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etc.) have lx*en working 
of faetdYy wqrki 

This; is » 
[5ie\Movei .cnt and 1 

orthodoi^x." althoto 
iBvolutionaYy yout! 
t*ept, not by *< 
movement and 
—and by the difi 

Y\OTi vm 
nd an *«j< 
; dlffte rei 

rhe student Is 

> : 

fiin i i i mim i i in 

i -op ted groups as middle class 
t, this is not at all a matter of 
of a wrong anAiloppyi 
rtltuto a mechanical, i that is 
the dlffertat realm of political 
-definition. This U eccajomism 

if and deeds — not directly by 
; themselves only as the result 
i In nature. This is citndltioni 
fter a class has declined in 11 
is Ideology and classes 
epudiation of the necessity o: 

ige of white workers a^»d bases' 
that white workers participate 
s a false rationale (there is no 
ng class to Justify imperialism 
Ay. Privilege is the bait to get 

V. i 1 

the fact df colonization by the 

iccessories, the prime movers 

of the working class 
it-, China, Vietnani, et 
nemy — or is it! Htii 

1 white and black .working class 
jus workers who naturally lead 
Ddency Is toward liberation and 
rganizlng and the ^daa to unity 

he vanguard of thei|* part of the 
ltical of the black- leaders have 
:k demands and claps demands, 

ib general nomln^ti in i f blacks 
e really mean to fo low| them — 
r are you advising t tie 

socialist conscioufene s 
; feudal ideas-— uiu illy 
formist, revisionis , 

t acquire wages 
) And not as a 
:e nothing of \ 

a "vanguard in thp 
i main role of the w 
ls been j won ; ideoW^ic illy 

pose the need for furth 
lien Is serioiisal 
the entire analysis. 

There is a grain 
mic category! it 
f ile, the soldier, p: ■< 
ny other . ervice " 

—it .supples tjie U i 
!Cessity for the' ru! ii 
■ket place, 
iwmic base— he i 
ae cpmmp-^d or 
voluntary .servitud 
i parasite on tiie £ icial 
but a degraded bne , in, ttje direct 
•e than his civjiliai 
gun arourl. His; s< rvice isi quite 
product enters for example 1 dt the iervfc' 

(l In the restricted 
Mites to developing his 
never, It no more 
arles make Mm Ki 
i la just as ;v,ucji a 

ire, not the econon ic. |bai e. 

(cor tint ed| 

New Left Notes 


.. Students foi 
it- seeks to 
jone brjngihg 

> i ^ : i i. 

Democratic Society . is an association of young people on the left.; j 
:reate a sustained community of Educational and political poncern; ! I 
together liberals and 'radicals; activists and scholars, students and ' ; 
faculty.' . 1 ; j " ' ; j I 

It maintains] a vision of a democratic society, where at all levels the people nave; 
^ontfol of the decisions which! 'affect them and- jthe resources op which they ares j 
[dependent. Jt-seejts a re|e'van6ej through the continual focus on realities and tn thef 1 
programs necessary to effect change at the most basic levels. 'of economic, political, 
'and social organization. It fee|s the urgency to! put forth a radical, democratic 


; democratic vision.". 

program whos^ methods embody ; 


,. The name ofithe organization shall be Students for a Democratic Society. 


. Section 1 : Membership Is open to all who share the commitment of the' 
organization to democracy as a means and as a social goal. 

I Section i : jSDS Is an organization of and for democrats. It is civil libertarian' 
jin its treatment of those with whom it disagrees," but clear in {^opposition to any 
kuiti-democratic principle as a basis for governmental, social, or political 
.organization. I 

[-Secttin 3: DUES: The amount and period of national dues shall be determHed' 
by the National Council. • 

j Section 4: ASSOCIATES: lndtiiduals who do not wish to join SDS but who share 

the major concerns of the oijgiinlzatton may. become associates, with rights" and 
responsibilities as defined by the National Council. 


; Section 1 : jAny group of five or more members may apply to the National Office 
for charter asja chapter. . -e 

| Sectiejn 2 : 'fr chapter may be chartered by the regional council of the a <-ea 
in ' which it is organized, or by the National Council. The chapter shall submit I 
a membership, list, a ccTOtitutton or statement of principles, and notification of ' 
officers or regional representatives.; Chapters may be provisionally [recognized: 
by the president or appropriate regional oTflcer pending the meeting of the. National ; 
Council or regional council respectively. \i 

Section 3: .Chapters are • expected ; to operate within the broad terms of policy 
_set. by the national convention and tha National Council. Points of conflict should be; 
0 c r rr?d tb NalJ ° na J- Council and a procedure established to make the Issue 
bublic to the jirganizatlonj In matters' judged to be detrimental to the organization,! 
tm National Council shall have the cease whatever activity has been i 
rdught jinto question. Thf matter shall b£ finally resolved by the National Council 
ifv pieetipg or : -eferenduthi; ^ 

ion 4: ASSOCIATED. GROUPS: Independent groups can affiliate as associates! 
P/ i SDS by vote of theij membership and designation of a liaison representative; 
tp.jsit on the National Council with consultative vote. The representative shall bef 
lember of ,-pps. Such association is provisional until the approval of the National: 
C odncil. The form of the' relationship shall be worked out in each case between the? 
, roup and the National Council. '; . - j; 


Jction St fRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS: National or regional organizations! 
Ff°E' Programs, and purposes are consistent with ! the broad alms and purposes!' 
Ap JS _r m l f" mvited D J , . lhe National Council to be fraternal with SDS and have- 
tfatenfal vote on the National Council. Such organizations shall appoint a liaison* 
representative 'who shall b> a member of SDS. • 

ctioh.6: SDS welcomes the opportunity to Co-operate with other Individuals! 
Organizations in jointly sponsoring specific action programs and joint stands • 
pacific issues. The National Council shall be empowered to determine specific ; 
activity. (Co-operation does not imply endorsement.) 

< imperative f 



ie Secretaries shall have the power to call a meeting of a National Interim; 

(mlttec, to be composed of all the national officers, on a regular basis and in' 
rgenties. Decisions of this body shall be subject to National Council approval. 

w'orl : 
be m 

tU 1 


CLE vin 


SAction 1: the national officers shall be:. National Secretary, Education 
i etary, Intef-Organizatlonal Secretary and eight other officers, all to be elected! 
convention and to serve as members of the National Council. 

r Section 2; The national officers must have been members of SDS at least two 
months prior to election. 

Si ction 3 : T lie*eleven national officers are the spokesmen of SDS. They shal be 
rejstonsible for seeing that organizational and political -policies Ve carried out 
I shall convehe the National Council. Political responsibility lies with the three 
:r!e(arfes In consultation with the other officers. The three Secretaries shall 
: out of the national office. Important decisions in any one area which are made 
een meetings of the National Interim Council are to be made by the three 
nal 'officer} together. The officers shall-be responsible to the convention and 
National Council. \ \ , 

Section 4: TlL National Secretary shall have primary responsibility for th'el^ 
i(> emontauon qWtional programs approved by the convention or National Council j. 

J*aon 5; Thb, Inter-Organizational Secretary shall have primary responsibility 
irj Uaisdn.with otoer organizations, bothnstional and international, and for informing 
ie,|nenibershlplabout these groups. He/she shall not attend congresses,' accept 
onty, or establish formal relationships with organizations without. the approval 
the comrentioti, the National Council, or, In emergency, the Nationaljntertm 

lion 6: Th< 
mCtionlng of 

' Section 8: the 

Education- Secretary shall have the primary responsibility for 
the internal education progratt, 

SeJtlon. 7:' TheJ Secretaries shall appoint as 
ival of tte National Council 

NatiSil^oundll; shall eject 

sistants as necessary, subject .to 

' ' * ■ '. \ \ 
administrative bodies to review 

administrative decisions of the Secretaries; It shall alt > fill, 
the term, position! "Vacated by the national; officers, 


!or th f di n atlon of 

I In all cases not 
Edition, shall be the 


Section 1 : Any 

covered ■ by Ahis constitution, Robert*! 
authority governliig'SDS business. 

:y and decision 


office rs, may 

member of the organization, Including the 

expellee- or relieved of\ duties- by a .two-thirds vote of jl he; 
process shall be fbllaweq* In all cases. 

Section 2: Any wo chapters, or one-third of the. Natl 
a national referendum on any question. . ' 

Section 3 : All s atemente of organlzatlohal policy shal 
National Council. ' ' 


This constitution may be amended by one of three procedures : . 

(a) by a two-thirds vote of the convention in session a 
at .the convention, In which case the amendment wilt take 

Cb) by a two-thinis vote of the convention in session on 
by distribution to the membership at least a month before the 
case the amendment will take effect Immediately upon adoption; 

(c) by a two-thlids vote of the membership on referendum,' in wtjlch case $ie 
amendment will take effect immediately upon adoption; ' [ 


i Iven 

Section 1 : All or some* of the chapters and/or members in a . 
area may constitute themselves a region' of SDS. New regions . 
constitutions -and be recognized provisionally by the pr^sfden. pencling 
regular National Council meeting. All disputes over regional ' 
resolved by the National Council. 

Section i: Regions of SDS shall hold i at least one 

he at )Foval of the 

he following 

n, [R wh ch ' 

^ographi al 
submit thi fr 
thc nixt 


meml|ershi|> convent on 
Regloi al 
leclsIo)is arrived at b; 

each year and may establish regional' officers" as; dee necl necessary,! 
programs, staff, ahd offices shall be responsible to 1 ' 
democratically constituted regional council. 

Section 3 : While y fundamentally responsible to their regiohal ; donstituendyV 
. regions are expected to operate within the broad terms of' policy set. by the natiot al 
convention and National Council. Any points of conflict shall be finally resoh i - 
by the National Council. * 

Section 4: If qyej-third of the duly chartered chapters' in the keogr flhlcal area 
of a region so petition, the National Council shall Immediately cdnside ■ whether to 
declare the regional organization defunct and to prohibit it from ipeald li or acang 
on behalf of SDS; ( " - -~ 



Section 1 : SDS shall meet -in convention annually, ati a tin;., 
by the National Council, with at least three months prior noticS 

Ini given to s 

SectioJ 2; The convention., shall serve to debate major Issi 
of the organization, to set iprogram mandates to the national Istalf, 
national officers. The convention shall hot be the pbllcy-maldng bod 
resolutions. ■ ! '" 

s an^ orientatii . 
and to<!!6<!t 
On specif 

Section 3: REPRESENTATION :. Chapters shall elect! tonvenkm 
the basis of one/delegate for every five SDS meinbers in the chapter, 
to have, five votes at the convention. However, in order W be settee 
with- five votes, a wVitten notice of the delegate's election! must ie r 
National Office, prior to the convention. Delegates from assocllteo 
group" shall b? elected by a procedure 'determined byjthe Natl 
National Council ishill draft convention rules, accreditation pro- 
■ requirements, (a, endmcnt pending) 


- Section, 1: (a) The . National | Council shall be compos4|Ofa) 

from each chapter with trom five to tmMjrtflm IW mber's, 

representative for each additional twenty-five members it- fraction 
chapter; (2) the eleven national; officers; (3).e<ected liaison repiesun, 
associated groups (witfc consultative vote); (4) ljafson rep'reientativfes I H 
organizations (with, fraternal vote); and (5) national staff (Sthbutv 
National Council' members and Ualson representatives must.-be 
No more than three! members from one chapter Or assoclatecSgiTfua 
concurrenfly as natiohal' officers. - II' 1 

Section It (b) Five or more members residing In ait area\ 
organized chapter nlay meet", together - to elect a delegate to fiiL 
or regional cpuncU.I p-rovided. that "(1) a certUication of; the meltS 
bearing the signatures of. at least'five members,- be sent to thenallonal 
office prior to tlie National Council or regional 'counclllmeel 
is offered that all SDS members in the area concerned recelv. 
meeting and election. 1 ; t _ - ■ ', |I 

j.. 'Section 2i The NnjtiJnal Cduncii shall be the major pejllcy- 
I body of thb' organization. It shall determine policy in the to' 
• specific v^ws. within* the broad ortentation ! of the orgahizati] 
program priorities and action undertaken by the organization' d 
i orientation and mandates set by tlie convention; chartei'- emptors, 1 at 
' and;' fraternal organizations; and be eiraiowered to sWpenq cfaapte; 
of appeal tothe conveteoti. The Natio^lCoujcUsh^ be^fcnsjbl, „ 
of a. budget, admintitration of UW budget, and ortnmi(!.nacili W 
Wpolntment of • committee chairmen and . representatives to ' other i 
overseelnj! the functioning of the administrative enmniittehi idiWti 
repbrtl and making ^rrangements for the convention. 1 j J j '• 
Section; 3.: .The National Council shall have tlie peper to Ippotjit standing' 

committees.'' to • carry! on its vmrit between its meetuigsj! 

Sectiin .\if TThe^ajional CowkU sha^l* meet at least fouO limes fe - , 
- shall be forty per ceintof the voting metnbers of wln»-c tlion tlie Nat 
has. been .nptifled..Na^ional officers may designate specific) alternates 
llalsop representatives may be represented by dosignaUa alter '**' 
.groups. • | * 'j* t ' 'i. ' .' J -r 1 i 


^ lace fixdt 

de erinine t 

A quorum': 
al Counc 1 
hapti>r :i*sV,: 
frnm their 

I i. 


fill, (for th * duration of 

Ulesjof Order, Revised 

the jofficejrs, may be 
National CduneiL Que 

1 1 Council, can initiate 

e the appn 

ameniments Introduced 
; effect at the following 

amendments introduced 
Jie convention, in which 

1 | ./ 
in which case ihe 

in a given geographh :al 
?tons jshall submit thf Ir 
sident pending the next 
nal bjiunda 1es shall be 


convent on 
'. Regtdi at 
tcisions arrived at b; 

regional . constituent y, 
&ta set by the natiqr 
■■■■■! I be finally resob 

I the fceogr iphical 
■ly conslde 
E) speaHig 

a timi and 
notice •belru. 

P. issu 


making bod. 

of 0) . 

ust be 

v jte) 

i area 1 vhen 
e to tht 
he me< ting 
ithe na ional 

:eived i 


Icy-ma lhg a id proL 
Qf, re olutionj 

le toiyn 
;aniz : ati \a\ de 

whethej to 
or acting 

place fixe d 
given to a I 

onen tali 
and to eie< t 
on specifi ; 

onvenuon I delegates 01^ 
e ich deleft ; 
a 5 a delegat ; 
r^c sived bylth 
and frater^iE I 
Council. Th 
and othe 

i be si 

l protfiwJure: 

m e addltlona i 
• h| ireof in ihij t 
on=repjtes( ni stives fror i 
m fr^ternar 
1 i all cashes, 
meters of SDS. 
may seWe 

there Is no 
I Couhctt 
elect on, 
regit nal 

Z) evidence 

vf th 

iters*; a |so> 
fchapte rs," 
iponslbl e for 
ixation , jof '• 
■to oth r 
tfee; ]di ifttnjs 

ippol it start Ing 

c altei 
ed alte 


the rght 

he dr^af Ing 
rais ngj 
or^anizatii ns; 
an anr j'al 


Iyeai . Aquo 
Nati( lal 
tes. fhapte| 



Vbju doSVt n^ed a 

(Submitted, by i 
Jijuiii, 'f'hn J^ic 
.iachtinger, 'Jim 
ind> Steve Tappis) 

.arin Ashley, 
Mcllen, Te 

to laid* 

Bill Ayers, Bernardine 
V.ETvy Lung, Howie 
y Roii'uins, Nla.-k Kudd^ 

h way tho 

\. VltltNATlUNAl. ^KVOLUTpN 

1 i f 

! "The contradiction between the revolutionary 
* ' peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and 
the imperialists headed by the United States 
Is the principal contradiction in the 
contemporary jworld. The development of this 
contradiction is promoting the struggle of the 
people of the whole world against US 
^ Imperialism and its lackeys." 

\ — Lin Piao, j 

j Long Live the Victory of People's War! 

j People ask, what j Is the nature of the revolution that 
r -we talk about? Wbo will It be made by, and for, and 
, what We its goals and strategy? 

The overriding (consideration in answering these 
questions is that the; main struggle going on in the world 
today ! is between jUS imperialism and the national 
liberation struggles against it. This Is essential in 
defining political matters in the whole world: because 
it is $y far the most powerful, every other empire and 
petty : [dictator is in the long run dependent on US 
impenalism, which ijas unified^ allied with, and defended 
all of) the reactionary fore s of the whole world* 
Thus; 'in considering every ot ler force or phenomenon, 
from j [Soviet imperialism -or Israeli imperialism to 
."workers struggle"] in Fraice or Czechoslovakia, 
we determine who are our : riends and who are our 
enemies according tb whether they help US imperialism 
or figlit to defeat i J 

So the.very first Question p. vple In this country must- 
ask in considering i the questun of revolution Is 'where- 
they ; stand in relation to tie United States as an 
oppressor nation, 11 and where they stand in relation fo 
the, rhasses of people througiout the' world whom US 
imperialism is oppressing. ' | 

Theiprimary task qf revoluti onary struggle is to solve 
this principal : contradiction oi i the side of the people of 
the wtjrld. It is the joppresse* I peoples of the world who 
have created the weitth of thi i empire and It is to them 
that ft belongs; tie goal of tie revolutionary struggle 
must \ pe the control and u e of this wealth in the, 
interests of the oppressed peoples of the world. 

It ik in this context tha;.we.must examine 
revolutionary struggles in ttt United j States. We are ' 
within jthe heartland pf a worl I wide monster, a country 
so rich from its' world -wi< e plunder that even the 
crumbs doled out to the en ilaved^masses within its 
bordefis provide for material i xistence'-very much above 
the cpfiditidns of the masse i of people of the world. 
The tlS empire, as a wor 3-wide system, channels 
wealtn, based upon tne labor and resources of the resl 
of tht world, into! the L'nited.i States. The relative 
affluehce existing ui the I jited States is directly 
dependent upon the labor and natural resources of the 
Vietnamese, the Angolans, th • fcolritians and.the rest of 
the peoples ot the! Third World* All of the United 
11 of the I olfday Inns, all of Hertz 
(television -set,' c'ar^ and wardrobe 
large de ^ee,' to . the people of tlie 

Airiiftts Astrojets, 
autdm'o files', your 
ali-ead; beiong, to 
rest of the world. 

Therefore, any conception ^n- "socialist revolution* 
in terms of the wor <lnjf people of the-United 
.tes; falling to recognize t le full stfbpe of interests 
of ,thf most 1 oppressed pet ales ,of the world, is a' 
conception of a fightlfor a particular privileged interest, 
' " ;a very dangerous ideol Dg^. VVhiie the control and 
the wealth pf the Lm lire : or tfie people of the 
\yorld is alsoltn the int( rests or tn.e vas( majority 
people in this countrj , [t tl e -goal is not clear 
e start we ill furthei ^the [ reservation of class 

1 simpll' 

and if 
use of 
of the 

society, oppression war, gt noc.idi 


ation of evenybrie, incl 

the achievement of aclassles: 

Winning] state power in the I 5 will 

Not e r ery ; -colony 

the m htary forces [of the I'S 
arount he world aid being de eated j 
within the US will me a vita part 
when ih !. revolution kriumphs,e ' 
made j: the people of the wl61e w arid. For socialism 
to be i (fined in national ten is'' w! tun so extreme and 
historic il an oppres! or nation as this Js only Imperialist 
national chauvinism on the «rt *( t the "mbvefnenU" 


)f people 


l •• K. colony' only consists W (he "black belt nation" in 
the smith; whose fight for^nationSj liberation ls;based on. : 
a common land,* culture, history and economic jlife. The 

>-ollary| of this position is'that tlack people in the rest 
e country are a national minority but not actually , 
t >-- - of tiie colony themselves! so the . struggle for 
national liberation is for. the-i black belt, and not all 
blacks; bjack people in the north, not actually part of 
tne colony, are 1 part .of the working class of the white 
oppressor; nation. In this formulation northern black 
workers nave a "dual role* *^-one \an Interest In 
supporting the .struggle in. the Southland opposing 
racism, as members of the national minbi;Ity,' and as 
northern ^white' nation" workers whose class- interest 
is in Integrated! socialism In the- north. The' consistent 
version of this line actually' calls for integrated 
organizing'! of black and white workers in the north along 
what it calls "class" lines. \ 

This position! is wrong; in reality, the.-black colonK 
does not i 'exist simply as the ^black belt nation", but 
exists in thp couiitry as a whole. The common oppression 
of black people and the common - culture- growing out of 
that history are not based historically or currently on' 

their relation to the territory of the black belt, .even 
though that ; has been a place of population concentration 
and has some very different ; character! sties than the 
north, particularly around the land question. ' 

Rather, the common features of oppression,, history 
and culture which unify blaclc * people as a colonv 
.(although originating historically 1n. a common teritory 
apart from i the : colonizers, i^., Africa, noj-the :»i'th) 
have beeq- b^sedj historically onjtheir common iposition 


a"nd the' complete 
he people of the US. 

goal is the dejkructio f of- US imperialism ahd 


world communism, 
occiir as a result of 

oVere rtep^ing themselves 
pieebmeal; struggle 
of this process, but 
US it will have betn. 

..lies o it side the bo indartes 
within North America, brought, her > 
slaves .i .nd whose U bor, as slsives. 
are a i li'iternal cc lony wi hinv/ 
oobn-sw r- nation. W wt this rrteWis ! 
ar>? oppressed as a ivhole pe jple» ir Uie institutions ah)d 
.sucial r Nations of 1 ie" count ry/^apj rt from simply the 
cdnsidkition t>f the r class tetlbfj, Income, skill, elf. 
as Individuals. JVhat does thi i^olM look like? Whatjis 
t^e bajsii fo|--jts tjommon >pp'riSs^ion and Why* Is jit-' 

l • 

■oppressed by imperialism 
of ' tht U3. Black people - 
h 4 00^ years ago as i' 
built this country, 
- 1 confines -of trie' 
IS that black people •: 


X«» l.ifl XiWs- ' .liine 18| 1966' ' '3 | 


rganixe Sebarattly _,, and ^tiermv^f* 116 *' ' ? : t^° ns ' 
parately at eac i stage of the struggle,/ 
It is important o "understand the. impi(catioriS of thjsVt 
is hot legitirrite f6r whites to ^rganizaUon'ally X 
i itervene in- diffi rences among ; revolutionary^ ;.blac)0 . 
nationalists. It wc aid be arrogant for Us to attack'any; 

ack organization ihat defends, black people [ani i oppose? v 
imperialism Un pr ictlce; But it is necessa^y,to develops 
correct imderstahding of.the Black (Liberation struggle^ 
w thin our qwh organization," where an incorrect orie^ 
w U' -further } racist practice in our" reiatibn^ wim-'the;' 
b|ack movement 

In the histOEy )f some external colonies, such as 
lina 'ai^Vietnar i, the struggle for self determination 
ha5 two stiges: a >N 4 united| front agiinst 

ir periali- 


■tatorshipofanti -colonial classes iedby the pr|-le!ariat, 
content of \ rich is a compromVse . beHee-'. the t 
in crests of the >roleiariat and nationalist .jjeasarits^ • 
v pe3t bourgeoisit and national bourgeoisie); and- 
developing tut of the new deipocrattc. stage/ 

Stoweve.r, the b ack liberation struggle in this country 
1 have only 1 one "staged; the] struggle -fqr_ 
r -deter mlnatio i will embody s wltnlnHt the struggje 
roil socialism* t , ] - , '\ - 

i s Huey- P. iJewton has said, "Ih 'order tobe/a 
re 1 plutiohary nat oqalist, yop wduld of necfessity^ha^ve to ' 
be i socialist." T lis is because— given the caste qOalUy. ;; 
ppressiori -as -a -people-through^^commori-^legre^' 
exploitation - ■ self-determination requires' -being ^ 
from white capitalist exploitation in ^e'fq^ '' 
infi rior (lower c ste) jobs, housing, s'chobis, hospitals^ 
pri :es. In additio i, "only what was- or became in pracjaiie^ 
a « acialist progr im for self-determindtion,'— on6:whic1i; i 
jade ressed itself ;o reversing this exploitation -f^ could 1 
wir the necess arx ■ active .mass ' support : ' in\' the 1 " ; 
, "pi aletarian col iny e " 

' he .program if a united front for new democracy, 
on the other hatd, would not be as thorough", and so ,w 
wd Id not win a: active and determined support: from. •' 

/ ,oi 
/ fre 

as- slayes, whichj since trie; no abolition of slavery 
has taken jth^'fo^ni of caste oppression, and oppression 
oi; black people, as .a 'people everywhere that they exist. 
A inew black! natum, different frojn the nations of Africa 
from which jit came, has been forged by the common 
historical experience of importation and; slavery and 
cSste ' oppression; to claim that to be- a nation U must of 
necessity now be based oh a common national.territory 
apart from. 1 Uie colonizing nation is a mechanical 
application bf criteria which ,were and are applicable 
to different .situations. \ \ 

What is sbecifically meant by the term caste is.that 
all blact* people, on the basis of their commop slave 
history, common culture and skin color are 
systematically denied access t< particular jobcategories\ 
(or positions . within job categories), social position etc 
rq-fardless of individual sk Us, talents, mimey^or 
education. Within the working class, they are the most 
oppressed section; in the pe it. bourgeoisie,' they arc 
even more .strictly confined to the lowest levels. Token 
exceptions aside> the specif c content of this^ca^te 
oppression . is to maintain black people in the most 
exploitative! and * oppressive jobs and conditions. 
Therefore, since; the lowest c ass is the working class, 
the black caste is almost entirely a caste of the : working 
class,- or positions as oppressed as the lower working 
class | positions, I (poor black petit - bourgeoisie and 
farmers); it is a 'colonial labor <;C,a' ste, a colony whose 
common national character itself is defined by their 
common cla^s position.. * ; _ . . : 

Thus, northern' blacks do not have a" "dual interest" 
—as placks on the 'one hand md "US-nation workers* 
on the other. They have a sit gle class interest, along 
wltli .all other black people it the l'S. .as members of- 
the "Mack" 'Proletarian Colony. !- 


The struggle of black jpeopte^as. a colony^-is for 
. self-d'eterm nation, freedom/ and -liberation /rom tiS" 
'imperialism. Because blacks;haye Seen- oppressed and- 
'■• held .in, an inferior social position as a people,, thp'y have 
f a right' to decide, organize and act on their jcommon- 
destiny as a people apart; [from white ■Inter | ference.J 
Black- seif r determmatiojn does 1 not simply japply. to 
determinati Ki of their , collective political destiny at] 
some futur; time; It isj directly tied to the fact that 
• because ai! blacks experience ^oppression in a fora 
that; no wMtes io, no wftftes' a|e. in.a position' to fully: 
■tnderstand and test^/rom Uieirf .own practice the rer^j 
situation b ack people fa ;e ahc\ the necessary response 

•r New Democracy (Jwhish i joint 

black masses. The only- reason for having; such- 
ont y^ould be wheretthe independent petit bourgeois , \: 
■es which it wi uld bring in wBtild add; enough Strength 
lalance the wt aKenihg or proletarian [backing, jiiis is '<'/ 
the case: first, because .much of the.blaclcpettJt |, 
b'oulrgeoisie> is a( tually a "comprador* petit bojirgepisie j 
' -QiV i so-called Hack capitalistsiwho are promo^'by 
the power struct ire to seem independent but. ares really ; -y 
agt its of white n onopoly capitai),;viho wpuid nevei^hlght 

class for an; 'real self ^termination; and secondly,' :'i 
bee iuse many back. petit bourgeoisie ( perhaps^mos^^i!^ 
whi e not • having a ■class'': interest in- socialist 
se\ 4deterhun'ati( ri, are- close enough to. the ; .i black 

ses in the oppression 'and limitations' ^it' tteir 'i^ 
coittitions that Utey will support .^many kinds~j)f, (J 
sel ^eterminatlt n issues, and, espejcially whey* we- r '' i 
mo'ement is wnning, can be. won \io' suppbrt ■ fuJI*H 
(socialist) self-d iterminatlon. For the [black ^ jfnpvemont . j 
work to ma timize .this support "from trie j petit:' 
boi rgeoisie is. c< rrect; but it is in no way .a united, ft I 
wh re it is clea- that the" Black Liberation Movemant 
shi uld not .and does not modify, the revolutionary 
so ialist cohteni of its stand to win "that support. 

hat is the r ilationshlp.of.'lhe struggle for 'black 
f-detef minatio t to the whole world-wide revolution ■■ 
defeat IS mperialism and Internationalize jts : , 
ources'toWard the goal of creatinga classless world?- V 
* - * '' K. s '1 .- : •■' 

\ !vo black self-determination could be|wo:, which would 
tit . re.-slt in a \ ictory for trie interna'^onai.. revolufion -\ 
a whole. The Hack proletarian color; 1 . beingdispefsed^ ; 
such a large md exploited section o'f;the vnprV force., v 
e.sscntial to t ie survival- of imperialism. .Thus'.'b'ven E 
f the biack ;libe -ation movement chose to .tr^to i attain ( | 
se f-dcu ; rminati( n in the form of a separate .country 
(a legitimate part of the right to self-determination), 

sling sid^W by side. with the US,- imperialism, couldiriot- J 
survive if tney won .'it— and so wb'ultl never '^ab; 
Hi hout being a^l ;ated. Thus, a revolutionary' natibnslls 
mt vement cou^d not 'win without, destroying the slaW 9 
bo ;er of the| ini iWialistsj'and it is for this reason that 
tht black liber tihn movement, as a revolutionary : 
na ionalisl im^emcnt- for .selfrdeterrhination,.' is * 
au i>maticaliy| in and\f itself an inseparable part of ' 
th< whole 'revol.ut ooary^truggle agairist.US imperialicr* 
are for internatij nal sociality. ^ j »- 

i fowevoi-r . th? fact that Nblack* liberatioq dfepends. on , 
wh ning' the; w> ile revolution does" not' mean' that It , 
dej end> Wailing for and joining w'ith a mass white 
(continued on following pifgw 

hi$ is why it is 

ces?ary fpr black' icoplct!^ . 

* JuM.JS,,19ja,„J'le.K 

Left Notes 


(continued, from p jevious cage) ■>[ \ ; * 

movement to do It. The teuocfdal opnre^sion of black 
peoplej must be ended, ,aj»d does not allow atiy leisure 
time to !wait; , {f necessury, black people could win 
self-determination, ; abolishing the whole Imperialist 
gystem! [and seiiing 1 statij power to do It, without this 
white movement! although the cost among whites and 
blacks both would be high, j 

1 Blacks could do it alone if necessary^ because of 
their c^rftralness to the system, economically and 
geo -militarily, and .because of the level of unity, 

' commitment, and initiative, which will be developed in 
wagingUa people's war! for survival and national 
liberation. However, we Qo not expect that they. will 
have tq do It alone, not only because of the Internationa^ 
situation, but also because the real interests, of masses 
of oppressed whites in this .country lie with the Black 
Liberation struggle, and the conditions for understanding 
and fighting for these Interests grows with the deepening 
of the crises. Already, thj' black liberation movement 
has carried with" It an upsurge 1 of revolutionary" 
consciousness among whit* youth; and while there au 

,no guarantees, we can expect that this will extend and 
deepen; among all Oppressed whites. 

To pin aside the possibility of blacks winning alone 
leads toj the racist 'position that blacks should wait for 
whites and are dependent! on whHes acting for them 
to win^ Yet the possibility of blacks winning alone 
cannot in the least be a justification for whites failing 
to shbuider the' burden o# developing a revolutionary 
movement among whites. If the. first -«rror is racism 
by holding back' black libel atioh, this would be equally 
racist by leaving blacks 1: :olated to take on the whole 
fight -^and the whole cost —for everyone. 

It is [ necessary 1 tofdefiat both racist tendencies: 
(1) that! blacks shouldn't go ahead with making the 
revolution, and (2) that blacks should go ahead- alone 
wluV making it. The only t ilrd path! is to build a white 

i , movement which will support the blocks in moving as 

Lfa'st as';they have to and are ab}e| to, and still itself 
keep up with that black movement enough so that white 

| revolutionaries share the cost and the blacks don't have 
to do the .whole thing alone. Any white who does r.ot 
follow Utis third path is objectivply bllowing one of the , 
other tivp (or both) and is objectively racist. 


Sincf the strategy for defeating imperialism in 
. semi -feudal colonies has tWo stages, the- newjdemocratic 
stage pf a united front to throw out imperialism and - 
*j . then thje socialist stage, sojne people^ suggest two stages 
s for the US too— one (to . stop \ imperialism, the 
antijiriiperialist stage, and another ,to achieve the 
j dictatorship :of the proletariat, the socialist stage. 
| It is rio accident that even the proponents of this idea 
!, can't U\\ you what it means. In reality, imperialism 

* is a [predatory international stage of ' capitalism! 
Defeating imperialism' -within the lis couldn't possibly 

I have.tlje 1 contend which it coiUdinasemi-feudal couitry, , 
- .of replacing imperialism 1 with capitalism or new 

democracy; when imperialism is defeated in the US; 
> it* will! be replaced by -socialism— nothing else. One 
< revolution, one repiacemeht process, one seizure of- 

state power — the anti-imperialist- revolution and the 

• socialist revolution, one and the same stage. To talk 
of this la's two separate stages, the struggle to overthrow 

■ imperialism and the struggle (or socialist revolution, 
is i as crazy^as if Mar* hm talked about the proletarian- 
! socialist revolution as a jj :volution of two stages, one 
"] tht! \overthrow oj capitalist state power, and second the 
■' establishment of) socialist s ate power. 

Along witir' no two .' stages, there is no united front 
with 1 , the petit bourgeoisie because its interests as 
a class aren't for replacing Imperialism with socialism. 
As fail as people within t lis country are concerned, 
■t imperialism is the same 

the/international war. again 

task a 

, One 
^ide'a is 


■"■= possible-, support. 

'isle,' who 


> the socialist revolution, for one overthrow of 
here. There is no ' united ■ front" for socialism 

reason people haVe considered the "united front* 
the fear that If we we re talking about a one -stage 
revo. ^6n we woulb fall to organize^ maximum 


people, like some 
fight imperialism on ? ' 
t for revolution. When the 
s for fighting Imperialism 
ot for overthrowmg it and 
it is still cootrjbutihg to 
lot to some intermediate 

particular issue, but' werenH 
; petit'- bwrgeoisie's interest 
"op a particular issue, but t 
• .replacing it with socialism^ i 
' revolution to that extent- 
thing which is, not ;imperitlism| and not socialism. 
Someone-not fof revolution iinot or actually defeatiiig 
imperiyism eitjher, but We still ^an and should unite 
; ,wlth\on particular issu is.. Bit this is not a united i 
<(ront (and we should! not pu ; fori h some joint "united 
frontj | jineVwitir .them to tie exclusion of our":own 
> politics), because thefF cla >s position isn't against 
•'/imperialism. a.s; a ''system.' ii phina, or Vietnam,! the 
. .Relit bourgeoisie's class, interests could be for actually 
.winning, against' imperialism; tills was -because their 
riving it out, no8 overthrowing its-, whole 
> ^exetence. For !jus here, "thi owing it out* means |not 

, from . 


What Is the strategy of this international revolutionary 
movement?' What are the strategic weaknesses of the 
Imperialists which make it possible for us to win? 
Revolutionaries around the world are In general 
agreement on the answer, which Lin Piao describes In 
the following way : s 

i, "US imperialism is stronger, but also more 
vulnerable, than any imperialism of the past. 
It sets Itself against the people of the whole 
world, including the people of the United States. 
Its human, military, material and financial 
resources are., far from 'sufficient for : the 
realization of its ambition of domination over 
the whole world. US imperialism has further 
weakened itself by occupying so many places ln^ 
* the world, over-reaching itself, stretching; its 
fingers out wide and dispersing its strength, 
^vith its rear so. far away and its supply lines 
so long." 
— Lin Piao, 

Long Live the Victory of People's War. 

p. 122 

The strategy which flows from this is^hat Cm called ; 
•creating two, three, many Vjethams"— to mobilize the' 
struggle so sharply In sp many places that the 
imperialists cannot possibly [deal with it all. Since It Is 
essential to their interests, they wilt try to deal with It 
all, and will be defeated and 1 destroyed in the process. 

In defining and Implementing pMs strategy, it Is clear 
that the vanguard (that is, the section of the people who 
an- ii\i the forefront of the struggle and whose class 
interests and needs define the terms and tasks of the 
. revolution) of the 'American. Revolution" is the workers 
and oppressed peoples of the colonies of Asia, Africa 
and Latin America. Because of the level of special 
oppression of black people as a colony they reflect the 
Interests of the oppressed people of the world fron 
.within the^ borders of the United States; they are pa«t 
of the Third World and part of thj> international 

jrje cJblohV, -but.. all ok them,. throwing UoufcoC 
«i^»iWe "thing as nv?rtiii^wing^i; <• 

revolutionary vanguard, j ( 

The vanguard ■ role of the VIeJriamese and other Third 
•World countries in defeating ^imperialism, has been 
clear to our movement for some time» What has not 
•been so clear is ; the vanguardl ^ role black people have 
played, and continue to play, [in the development '.ojE 
revolutionary consciousness and struggle within, the 
United States. Criticisms of theiblack liberation struggle 
' as being "reactionary" or . of ! black -organizations on 
campus as being conservative^ or "racist" very often 
express this lack of understanding. These ideas are 
incorrect and 'must be defeated if a revolutionary" 
movement is going to be budjlt among whites. 
J- The black colony, due to .its particular nature as a 
slave colony, never adopted! a -chauvinist identification 
with America imperiaUst^power', either pOliticaUy 
or culturally. Moreover, the •history people in 
Aiherica has consistently^ been one of jthei greatest 
overall repudiation of and stniggle against the state. 1 
From the slave ships from 'Africa to the slave revolts, 
the Civil ,War,"etc, black ! people have been waging a 
struggle for survival and liberation. In the history of]; 
our own movement this has also Seen the case: the 
. civil rights struggles, initiated- and led by blacks in the 
■ South; the rebellions ^giiwingjwith Harlem in 1964 and 

Watts in 1965 ■ through" Detroit and Newark .in- 196?;! ; : 
"the campus struggles at all-bl^ck schools in, the south 
and struggles 'led by blacks Cm campuses all across 
the country. As it is tiie blacks — along with the 
Vietnamese 1 and ntne'r Thii-d ^orld ■ people— ^ who. are 
most oppressed by l.'S iTiperia^^'n, their clajss interests 
ar<> most solid!) ai/ resolutely ■■*on>nf:itted r to waging ; 
" r>-vc*utionary struggle through m its completibn.' 
Therefore t is no bopri.^ ,'iaf- time and again,- in ?x>t s . 
pbhtical tnntent and level lot consciousness and, 
niilitancy, u has been the- bWck' li^e'ratioh movement : 
w^iich has u^ped the, ante and defined the terms pf the ' 
struggle. ' "■■■''); "4', ;. 1 ~J ' - ' 

- - [ What is the relationship; o£ this ' Tblack vanguard*./ 
I to the -"many Viebiams* around the world V Obyiously* 
i th\is Is an example, pf our strategy that different fronts • 
' reinforce each other. The fact] that die Vietnamese are* 
| -^.winning weakens the; enemy! advancing me possibilities ; 
-for the black struggle, etc. B^t if ".is Important for us" ■ 
' toi, understand that the ihterrelationshlpj. is more th-xn 
*^s; Blaclrpeople do -not simply "choose" to. intensify 
[eir stniggle because they wanfto help the Vietnamesei 
"teestfse ^they "sk that |Viejnam heightens- they. 

- tijeii 

: : :t' 

po! slbllitiesj for\struggle hferci ^elejdktenct of anyone 
VUtnani, especially a winning one,]' spurs ot otters not ' 
. on! y through' consciousness and ^»olce, out tn rough'oeedl 
bei ause it {is a poUtlcdlj and ecbnon&lc, s %ell as 
military, we^kenliu| of capitalism,. •ahdj^thls means thai 
to compensalte, the imperialists are! forced ;o Intensify 
tin ir oppression of other people,. ] ] |1* ' r 

rhus the loss of China and Cuba and the oss now of 
Vietnam noi only entfonrages other opbres; ed [ peopled 
(s ich as the .blacks) by showing what ibe al ernative ife '- 
; an i that it <an be wpnAbut also costs the t nperiaUsti 
. bi lions of -dollars which they then hate to taWoutojr 
thL oppression of these other peoples! Within his country ; 
increased oppression taUs\heavier jmaj4mp«6ppressed . 
sections of ithd population^ so that thi|.<s>n< ition, of aft 
wbrkers is wotjsened through rising taVes i iflation ana 
the fall of real wages, and^pefedup. But thtH .increased 
oppression WW heaviest on\thfe rtostU^ppressed, such 
afe poor white workers and, UbectalWj ihe blacks, Top 
'example through the collapsed of] ftsle soWjltjes like'. 
f. :hools, hospitals, and welf^rk jwhltjh n^orulj hds 
tl e hardest at those most dependent on theml { 

This deterioration pushes people j to fight harder 
tt even try to maintain th^ir iresentilevel The more 
tie ruling class Is hurt In Vietnam, the ha -der people , 
w .11 be pushed . to rebel and." to fight fo : reforihs. 
B >cause there exist 'successful! models , of r jvolutlon in 
C iba, Vietnam, etc., these reform struggles rtllprovMe 
a continually, larger aha stronger base tor n volutionary 
ideas. Because it needs to majjimUe profiti -by denying 
the reforms, and is aware that |thei e cot dltion's and 
reform struggles will therefore jead to rc rolutibnar:.' 
copsciousness, the rulihg elds Will see ij-more and 
more necessary to come down on apy tnition at all, 
evbn Where It is not yet highlyi organized oi conscious. 
It 'will come down faster on black peoole, bt iause their 
oppression Is increasing fastest, and jthis i lakes their 
re 1 wllion most thorough and most dangerous, £hd fastest ■ 
gr owing. It is because of this thattheva iguar j characier 
and role, of the black liberation itrugg.te will.jbe 
increased and interstfied, rathe^tiian t 6lng Icreaslngly 
eqial to and merged uito the|] s|tuat tm ai fil rebellioh 
of Oppressed white working peoole and feuth, rfhe crises 
■ of ' imperialism (the existence o . VI inam and 
especially that it's wlnhjig) ilrili tin refor |i create a 
n "black Vietnam* within the US. 

(^iven that black self-determlhation wouldlmean fully 
criishing the power of the imperialist this j*Vletnam* 
has certain different characteristics ihan tpe external 
colinlal wars. The Imperialisl 
the US" until their total strenffth^d-evett' resource 
the / can bring to bear has^bje«Himas fied; i i the. Black 
Vietnam cannot t win without bringing the rtible think 
dovn and winning for everyonfel (This meai s. that thijs 
•wai of liberation will be the most proti acted nd hardest 
fou ^it of all. "1 j I j 

1 is in this context that the question of the [South must 
be iealt with again, not as a qjie;stiori at wh !ther,or not 
the black nation, black colony, easts here, as opposed 
to i i the north as well, but ratherjas a i ractl :al uuestiop 
of s trategy and tactics : Can the Wick 1 berat ;on struggle 
— ihe struggle of all blacks 1 n "the coin tr^ — Jgalj 
advantage in the actual war of lib- si-atio iby'c( hcentratli _ 
, oti building base areas in the & dth h terr tory wijh k 
concentration of black populatiM ? ! 
» This is very clearly a different qwstion than that of 
"where die, colony is/- and to] his q lestio i the "yesf : 
answer is an important iy. If Ihe bt st potential 
for struggle in the South wei & ■■ realized, hi Is fully;; 
conceivable and legitimate thatlffie'Striiggle there coul^ 
tak ; on tiie .character of a fMit foi sep ration; and 
anj victories won in that direct <in w( uld 'b s important 
. gal is for the national liberation It f jthe < olbny as a .whole. 
However, because the colony is d spers sd qvj^-the whole 
co\ ntry, and hot just- located in die b ack^b lit, winning 
sti; 1 means the power and, lib* ration of b acks in the 
~iht\e country. | ] 1- . ;:v ; 

' "hus, even 'the winning of se larate inde[ endence hi 
'the South would still b|j'.or» st p toward 
sel '-determination, and hot equvaleit to winning" it; 
Z wh ch, because bf the economii posit on pi the colony 
I as a whole, would still regard crvertl rowii gj'the state 
power of 'the ■ imperialistSj taki gve r pro iuction and 
U.e whole economy and. power, ite.' 


J 1 he revolutionary youth moven ent piograi i|was hailet 
as a "transition, strategy, which expla ned j lot of oui 
pas; =work ^and pointed, to ne f ■ dir :ctiOr s for oiu 
mbi emenU But .'as " a transition t j whq ; ? Wl at was oiu 
ove -all strategy? Was the you h irk veme stratee 
just an orgahizational- strategj j bee use SDS is\ai 
org inization of youth and-we caiH'movp besf with 
yo'ic ig people ? , <■. 

W e liav i pqinted to .the yangilaW . nature 
stn ggle n this country; as paujt of the^ 
stri ggle against American imperi ilism 
imp >ssibi ity of anything' bu^t anl|iiter|iatii 
for winnii g. Any attempt! to put Kprth 
'desjiite ,i iternationalist rb'etorie| assumes] 
inte iial ; leyeiopm«it to /the hjass |trugg)i 
cow itry,- is • incorrect.'j Thje 
Uru ruayai s. andr-^ie; Rhodesia 
Tbi d .Wo*U| pe^pie^Rhj this 
set- the U rms-fbff class, strug 
.Ir this', context^ why .an e 
^sh^ild yoimg pepple be willing j 
Thi xj^Worid|'peolples? Before 
abo :t* youth/ howeVe'r^ihere foili 
•\ mai i class categories in.Uta wbif 


XifetM ihese 
( and the 
tfitry will, 


» fight on 
dlngi ith 
g'a I it* 
,^'moth Sr co 
. think are- important, aridjJuTdicate 
' sSt^ria^s o£ thf!r M^ctive'^s tfh*re' 


if the blact 
international - s 

I and ,,.|K( 

!gy ,wrach, < 
' purelj ! 
_ In hMs 
•dsfo 1-the 
jacks ;.w . 

1-1 ' '-J 

ifajfr? Whj j 

' s 'questiA^ 
i^h of the 
itry *h"cf 
' r pre^ 

7; - -r^ T 


Xew,-I.eft Notes 

/JunejlS, 1969* 

Most of 
which we 

whole sectionl of the 

the potential f» 
and fight for the 
>re th* i Just their] 
popuUl Ion is of 
limply Indi 

not r~ 

r {those who are a< 
Jm of the populatio 
property a id so live! 
power. This [ i 
in teVl is of i ' interests] 
who lis In it, ' ■ - vei 

various sections 
revolution will varj 
real class Interests). 
ie working class, by 
istrial or production 
illy working, but the 
which doesn't own 
off of thf snlv of-its 
itaphyslcal c%itego-/* 
the role it plays. ^: 
often is difficult to 

As a whole, the longt-rangeinterestsofthenon-colcldl 
sections of the working class lie with overthrowing 
Imperialism, -rith sup jorting self-determination for the 
oppressed gallons (1 icludlng thp black colony), with 
supporting an I fighting for international socialism-'' 
However, virtually alt of the white working class also. 

short-range privileges froni imperialism, which. 
EN not false arlvilegss but very real ones which give , 
hem an e4ge of vested interest and tie them to L 
i certain extent to the Imperialisms, especially when the 
alter are in la relatively prosperous phase. When the 
mperlaHsts are losin; their empire, on the other hand, 
hese short -ft nged privileged Interests are seen to be 
«mporary (i ven th&ugh the privileges may be 
re'allvel y greater | over the faster increasing 
smlseration o' the oppressed peo>les). The long-range 
Interests of workers | in siding with the oppressed 
pvop'trs are seen r.yne clear y in the light of 

imperialism** impending defeat Within the whol? 
Working class, the balance of ar ti -imperialist class 

interests with while mother counir;' short -term privilege 

varies greatly. 

Ti First, the! most oppressed ..sections of the mother 
country working class have Interests most clearly and 
Strongly anti-imperialist. Who art the most oppressed 
sections of the working, class? Millions of whites who 
have as oppressive material cond.tions as the blacks, 
it, almost so^ especially, poorsoithern white Workers; 
the unemployed ox semlJcmployed, or those employed at 
very low wages for long hours an I bad conditions, who . 
are non -unionized or have weak unims; and extending i"p 
U include Rtttfe of unionized labo: which has it a lit J? 
ajotter off but still Is heavily oppressed and exploited, 
rjhls category covers a wide rat ge and includes the 
■nost oppressed sections not only of production and 
lervicc worfcjers, ' but a lso some secretaries, clerks, 
Hgg. Much <rf4htsrcategoi|y gets son e relaave~privileges____ 
i.e. benefits) from imperialism, v hich constitute some 
nntorial basis for being racist or pro -imperialist; but 
ivcrall it 1st itself direhly and h>avlly oppressed, so 
hat in additipn to Us long-range :lass interest on the 
iple of the world, it immediate situation 
i strong basis for sharpening the 
st | the siate and fighting through to 

.iere is the! upper Jtrata of the working 
_. is also arj extrem ly broad category, 
r eluding the: upper strata of unla ized skilled workers 
i j d also most of the "new working class* of 
oleta'rianized or semi prole arianized "intellect 
"i >rkers." There is no clearly narked dividing line 
(tweejn thejj previous -section und this one; our 
inclusions in dealing with "que: Hbnable? strata- wilt 
i any-eventthave to comefrom m >re thorough analysis 
A particular; situations. The long- range class interests 
if this' strata, like the previoi s section of more 
>j pressed workers, are for the r -volution and 
i perialismjjrloweVer, it is char cterlzed'by a higher 
ue\ of privilege relative to the oppressed ^colonies, 
iluding the j blacks, and relativjto more oppressed 
c rkers in the mother country; so that there 1 ts a strong 
i itertal bails for raclfem and 1 tyalty. t*i tine system. . 
j a revolutionary 'situation, wher j the people's forces 
(re on the Offensive anil the nil ng ctajs^wasclearly 
sing, . most of this upper strata of tljeMorking class 
il be wihnaple to the revolution; whUefijt least some 
;tions of will prcbaply identl: y thei^^terests with, 
leriai ism. .till the end and oppost the revolution (which , 
a: 1'. ( t whicjh wilt have to do wit) . more Variabje's than 
ifI th:-, [-articular Uvel of pr vilege).V The further 
|ei elopment j of the, situition will clarify , where' this" . 
;e< uuh .-.Utigo, although it is * Icar that either way 
do n<>* pi|t any^mphasis on re; ching older employed 
•kets fror^n-this strate-atthis time; The e^reptipn 
where they are the black- lib ara turn 

triggle, the | Third Worid, or th! youth movement in 
articular situations, su h as w th teachers, hospital. 
nh;ians, ptc, in vhich* cajes we. must fight 
lcularly -hard ,to organiz them arouhd a 
iluiionarV 'line of ful suppor; for .black liberation 
the international revo utioh ag inst U§ imperialism, 
'hhs is crucial because the pri ilege of'thls -settion 
bjf pre work! ig class ha i providi d ana will provide a 
■ng material basis foi national chauvinist and social 
dbniocratic ideology wit tin' the moyement,- such as 
iti -internationalist cone >pts of 'student' power" and 
'o -kers control." unother J consideration in 
uhdi rstandin^ the intere ;ts of His segment- is '. that, 
use of trjc way 'it del eloped aid how its skills 'and' 
. >rivileges fiere *eamid over t ime^"; the differential . 
tv ech the position of : outh and oldtir -workers, is in 
man y ways greater for his section tnan any other in 
ttfe i lop'ulationl We should 'ontiniie 'to s'^e\t as important . 
t uitd. the r^volutionar y youth movement among the 
nit i df this strata. K ' • \ • 

TI Irdlyi tt« rb are Tmi Idle strata* who. ate nbt petit 1 
[jepisie, who may eve i technically beiiuppe^ working 

an}d nthe: 

llvcuuse their job categories require and [promote a ':U>mv 
fai^nUflcation with, the tnterpsts or the. ruling class, 
these straU are enemies of Die revolution.' 

Fourthly, and last among the catcgorlesswe're goingto 
ikai wilh, ■ the petit bourgeoisie. Thls'classis different 
from (hi' middle level described aboye,|in that it has 
u independent cl*-.s interest which is opposed tfi both 
mnnopol> power, aivd to thtyjfawt- The petit bourgeoisie 
ci or smull capita' — both business 1 and farms — 

and seif^employvd tradesmen and professionals (many 
professionals work for monopoly capital, and are either 
the upper level of the r working, class or in the 
agents-pi-^n\)erialism category), \TtQ content or its 
independent class interests— MH-rnonopoly , capital but 
for capitalism rather than socialism — gives it a political 
character bf some opposition to "big government,"^ like 
its increased spending and . taxes Tuid . its totalitarian 
extension' jof its control into every aspect of life, and 
to "big! labor," which is at this time;ltself part of the 
. monopoly capitalist power structure. The direction which 
this InDposition takes cari be .reactionary or reformist. 
At this time the reformist side of it 'is very much 
mitigi'.ed by the extent \ to which the' independence of 
the petit bourgeoisie is being undermined. Increasingly, 
smijl fcjuslnesses are becoming extensions of big ones, , 
whi4 professionals and self-eniployed tradesmen less 
and lesfe sell their skills dn their own terms an^ become 
j egular' employees of big firms. This tendency does not 
mean that the reformist- aspect is not still present; 
it is, ahd there are various issues, like., withdrawing 
from a losing imperialist war, where we could get 
support from them.- On the question of imperialism as 

a syjitem, However, their class interests are generally 
more| folr it than for' overthrowing it* and It will* be the # 
deserters from their ciass; who'*stay wi^h us. 


In terms of the above analysis, most young people 
in tii e US are part of the working class. Although not 
'yet employed, young people whose parents sell their 
laoori power for wages, and more important who 
themielves expect to do the same In the future— or go 
into the aifmy or be iinem^loyed4-are undeniably 
mem >ers of (he working class. Most kids are well aware 
of wt at clasi they a -e in, evenly thougfa.they may not be 
very scientific about iU So ourt analysis assumes from 
the leginnin^ that jouth Struggles are, by and large, 

"^-working class strug(les. ^ut w(iy- the focus now on the 
strug jle : of ■ worktn clasjs youth rather than on the 
forking class as a mole? j .. i 

Thi i p< tential for n voluti(mary consciousness does not 
alwa^js always cirresp^nd j, to ^ultimate class 
intert st, particular!: ' when', imperialism is relatively 
prosf ?rt us ajrid the moVementj is, in : : an early stage, 
j At th s ! tage we set working cjass jrjiuth as thos^ most 
-open to i rei olutiw r^^nioverrteht wh^ch sides with the 
strug ile; of • Third ^ Vorld Jpex^le : the following is: an 
attem it to explain al'strategic ' focus o^i youth tor SDS. 

In i ;en ral, young people ihav^ less stake in a society 
(no fi ml ly, fewer debts, eltc), are more open to new 
-Ideas (they have not been brainwashed for so long 
. or so wt 11), and- are therefore-more aijle and willing to 
move Ir a revolutionary . direction. . Specifically in 
Am-;r ca, young people have growjt up experiencing the 

' crise: ir imperialism. They have grown up along with 
a de 'eloping black- liberation movement, with the 
libera dot of Cuba, the fights for] independence In Africa, 
and t ie war in Vietnam. Qldef people grew up during 
the fl^t against Fascism, during the cold war, the 
pmastiiu; of tiw trade union's, McCarthy, and a" peripd 
durint wnlcli real wages' consistently rose — since 1965 
disposable real inbome has decreased slightly, 
panic llarly in urban areas where inflation and increased 
'taxatii n fxave 1 bitten htavlly into wages. This crisis in 

' imoer al^sm affects all paits of the Society; America 
has hi d to militarize !to protect and expand its Empire; 
hence the high draft cklls and the creation or a standing 
army of throe and a half million, an army which still 
has ben unable to win irt {Vietnam. -Further, the huge 
defensi^exr^WituresTT-requ'irea for the defense of the 

- erripir • and at<the same tims! a 'way of making Increasing 
> profiti for the defense Industries— have gone hand in 
- hand w ith the urban crisis around welfare, the hospitals, 
. the sc K»ls, housing, air, and water pollution. The State 
cannot provide 3 the services ^t has been forced to assume 
respor sibility 1 for, and needs-to. increase, taxes and to«. 
pay in growing debts while it cuts services and. uses 
the pi 's to repress protest], The private sector bf'the 
econor iy can'tj provide jobs, particularly unskilled jobs.. 
The e pansion of the defense and educatiqn industries 

by the State ;inie World War D fs, in 'part"ap attempt 
to pick up itij! ^lack, tKough the .inabilfty to provide " 
decent w^gejs' Lnd; working conditions for l^ubllc?;'jobs'; 
is more^anid-riorfe'a problem, ■/. r ;>,: *|-. 

As . impefiajism struggles \to hold, together ihlsV ! 
dkcavipg sOcfel 'fabric, it tnevltebly resorts ;lq brWp l 
force and . aii hbritarian ideology. People, especially »j' 
young people; more and more find, themselves- in, the j 
iron grip of a rthoritarian institu^ons. Reaction against 1 T 
the pigs or, 1 2achers in . the -schools, welfare pigs or i 
the gerteralizable' and ^xteiid?" beyond the f 
parUcular rbj ressive •• mstitution to the society and. tine.; 1 
State as a whole. The legitiinacy of the State is called ,, question for the first tirrie~ in at least x 3fjj«4rs, )- 
and the anti- tuthoritarianism- which char'acteriies the ?| 
•youth rebellio^i turns into^eje'etion of .the State, ^refusal J 
to be socialiied into . American^society.|Kid& used' to "j 
try to beat the system from tasldehthe >rmy[or from ] 
inside the schbols; now they desert from: the .army ahtJ ,| 
burn Mown the! schools. , i i.-. ' "\ ' • 

'The crisisj iri imperialism has^ brought- about v 
i breakdown in bourgeois- social form's) culture and 
ideology* The family falls apart, kidsMeave homey I 
women begin o break out of traditional rfemale" and M 

mother" role ;. TheVe develops a "generation gap" and 
a "youth probl im.j* Our heroes are no tonier struggling 
businessmen, ind we- also begin . to reject the ideal 
career of the professional and look to J|tfao», Che, the ' 
Panthers, the liird World, for our models, for motion. ' 
fie reject the ititist, technocratic "bullshit that tells us ' 
)hly experts cm rule, and look instead to leadership 
;rom the peopl !*s war qf the Vi^tnatnese. 'chiu:k Berry, - 
•Ms, the Temi tations brought us closer to the "people's ? 
ulture" of Bla ;k ;America. The racist response to' the 1 . 
Ivil rights mo 'ement revealed the depth! of racism in . 
imerica, as w »H| as the impossibility ot real change 
hrough Ameri^ari instUutions. j And the'^ war l againstM 
iotnam is not "the" heroic war -against the Nazis"; 
s' the big lie, with napalm burning through. ^veo^ug : . 
e had heard t lis] country stood forT Kids begin JfcasW^ 
uestions : Where iis the Free World ? And whoyo the 

ne? '.I ■■'' v;f'.:y';A 

< uestions = Wheh 
I igs protect at home ? 

, but who are so irivileged and'- 'tightly , t ed to 
jiir^pt riiliSm tnrbugh their job roles that they are^agents . 
t}noerialis(n. This section Includ as management. ; 1- 
rjarate lan yers,: UgJier^civil servants, 
giyisrnment agents, briny ^fleers, 

i ■!•;■; r "'• "• " 



The breakdow i in bourgeois culture and copcorfiitant\- ; 
a iti-authoritariE nism is fed by the crisis in ir^peri'alisrn; ' 
b it also in turn feeds that crisis,' exacerbites'it so/that i 
p k>ple n6 longe :■ merely w(tnt the plastic' '50s restored,? ' 
bit glimpse an alternative (tike inside tine Colurpbia. 
buldlngs) and begin to fight for- it.-: We *n^'Waiit^. - l 
t( achers to be more kindly copsj^we want/to smasfi? - f 
c >ps, and build a new lifer. ';' 

The contradi :tions • of ■ decaying Imperialism * fall j 
h: rdest on youh in four distinct-areas -Uhe schools, T 
j< as, the draft a td the army, and ttiepigs apd the courtsV '< 
0 ) In jkil-llke schools, kids are .fed a inishtrnasfe of. .}:;-. 
cist, male chauvinist, . anti - working V class, -■ '{ \ 
ti communi it lies while being channelled into ! 
jc) and career paths set upj according, to "the priorities 1 4 ' 
of monopoly capital. At- the same ^ ttmejaflie- StaWisji ^ 
b< coming in ere isingly incapable of "providing enough^ 1 
mmey to keer the schools going at aj. (flf Youtin-'. . I 
unemployment is three times av^age uqempioynnept, ' ] ; 

more jobs are threatened by. autonnation or tin.e. , i ■ 
c< lapse , of spe:ific industries, unions act id : secure ■! 
jo is for-ithose already ennployed/^ew^ people iti tiie r .v 
la «or market cah't find jobs,' job stability is undertnlned > 
(a so because of increasing speed-up; and more ? 

olerable safety conditions) and people are less and j 
le s going to w >rk in the same .shop for 40 years. And, ? •." 
of course, when they do find jobs, young people get the; 

rst ones and have the least seniority. (C) There are 1 : 
nc v two and a half million soldiers under thirty whp 
•ar; forced" to iolicc the world, Rill and. be killed in ; 

rs of imperlilist domination. And;(D)'as a "youth' 1 ' - 
pi >blem" deveh ps out of all tinis, the'plgs and. courts j , " 3 
en ibrce curfewi , set up pot busts, keep people off the , . \ 
st eets, and r< press any youth motion' whatsoever.* - | 

n all of this; it is not that life iri toughest ■ .- % .•: 
fo youth or thajt they are the most oppressed/ Father; ■ •? N 


- it Is that young people are hurt directly — and severely. 
— >y Imperialis n. And, in being less tightly tied to tifti ^ 
sy tern, they a-e more" "pushed* to^joTn" the' black 'W 
lib nation strugg e against US in^ridUsm^moy^ypung \ 
.pe< pie 'there, is less of a material .bas,e. for racis'itj,— , l; 
the f have' no sen brity, have^npt spent !20 years secfertrusv 
a s tilled job (the white mpnopbly 'of which ts increasingly 
ch; lenged by the blabk liberation movement),, and aren't / * 
jus about to p;y off a 25-year mortgage on a 'house 'V 
Whi!h.'.i5 valuaUe.J. because it's ^located \in a white- 
nei hborhood. ' • >^ ■■}..' ^ 

V hile .these c jntfadictions of imperpaWrrt ValVhard' ,' 
' Jl youth, th'ep fdll hardest on'the'Vouth of th* rrjost'. 

(cor.UnueatH^otowliiiit page) 

!Jdne | 18, 1969 ■ New. l>f.t Notes 



(continued from previous pagett 
_ oppressed ,(Ieast privileged)} sections of the working 
class.' Clearly' these youth have the greatest materia, 
base! (or struggle. ;They ard the -ones who most ofte.i 
get dratted, who, get the work Jobs if they get any, why 
* are most abused by the various institutions of social 
control from the] army to decaying schools, to the pigs 
and tjne courts. And their day-jto-day existence indicates 
a potential for nilitancy aixj toughness. They are the 
peoplefwhom )Ve can reach who at this stage are most 
1 ready J to engage in militarit revolutionary struggle. 
Thej point pf the revolutionary .youth movement- 
strategy is to move from a [predominant student elite 
baseltb more op)ressed (les$ privileged) working class 
youth' | as a w y of deepening and expanding the 
revolutionary yo ith \ movement — not of giving up what 
we have gained, hot giving ; up our old car for a new 
Dodge'.! This is jart of a strategy to reach the entire 
"working class to ingage, in struggle against imperialism; 
moving from mo e privileged sections of white working 
class youth to t tore oppressed sections to the entire 
working class a a ; whole. Including importantly what 
has cla.ssicaily* t een called | the industrial proletariat. 
But this should jot be taken to .mean that there I* a 
^ magic (moment, ater we reach a certain percentage of 
the working clas ;, when ,aii of a sudden we become a 
working class m< vement. We are -already that if we put. 4 
forward internal matist proletarian politics. We also 
.don't have to wat to become a revolutionary force. 

f-conscious revolutionary force from 
be a mo ement which takes issues 
group— THE PEOPLE" — who will 
make (.the revolution. We must be a revolutionary 
.movement of peopl i uridersta; kling the necessity to. reach 
more people, all, working people, as we make the 
revolution. ' 

The; above arguments make U clear that it is both 
important and pos iible to r< ach young people wherever 
il in the she ps, but also in the schools, 
l- n the stnets — so as t^ recruit them 
e of the oppressed peoples of the world. 
I « part of the International Liberation 
;ssity to build this International 
n 'America leads to certain priorities 
revolutior ary youth movement which ' 
)' apply this lummer". ... 

We must be a sel 
the beginning, no 
to some mystical 

they 4re — not onl; 
in the! army, and- 
to figHt on the side 
Young people will 
Army; Tpe^ nee 
Liberation Army 
in practice for thi 
we should begin to 


"The Commu lists are 
other workini 
the national 

-bourgeoisie 1 as ' to pass 

arid everywhe 
mbyement as 

we build; how do 
tried ' to, .lay out 
.Consciousness which we warif 
as. a mass const 
power as part 

■sfuuld be, oi 
neither understate 
a reyo Utiori- nor 


istinguished from the 
class parties by this only: 1. In 
struggles of the proletariat of 

different coin tries, they jpoint out and bring to 
the ' front the common interests' of the entire, 
proletariat,' ndepen^entiy of all nationality. 
2„; In the. var ous stages bf development which 
tHe| struggle of the/work ng class-agairist the 

hrough, they always 

re represen the interests of the 
a whole." (Communist Manifesto) 

tfow.-do^we reich youth; what kinds of struggles do 
- - j - we malke a revolution? What we have 
so- far is- tlje political content of the 
to extend ! and' develop] 
Ipusness : thfe .necessity to build our: 
f the whole international revolution 

io smaih the stat »' power of tqe imperialists and build 
^socialism. Beside 
involve masses 
are faced with' 

s- consciousness of this task, we must 
f people in accomplishing it. Yet we 
situation in {which almost all of the 
pi&1>iej Whose inte -esis are served by these goals, and 
! who -should be, oil even are,- sympathetic to revolution, 
the specific tasks involved in making 
participate itt accomplishing them. 
On thej (whole, pebble don't join revolutions just because 
revoluji anaries t< 11 .them, "to. The oppressioi) of the 
systenj affects -people 'in particular ways, and the 
develop nent of jpo itieal consciousness and part cipation 
begins | -jvith 'partic iiar problems J which turn into issues 
"V must -transform people's everyday 
problems, and the issues and struggles growing out of 
! them, : nto revolutionary consciousness^ active "and 
^conscious opposition to racisin and imperialism. 

Thisj >s. directly counterposrjd to assuming that 
; struggles around immediate issues will lead naturally 
;. over tine to strug >le against tmperiaUspi.! It has been 
. argued, -that ■ sinci people's oppression \is due to 
■ [mperik ism and 'acism, then kny struggle against 
, immediate oppress on is "objectively anti-imperialist," 
and the developme it of the fight against Imperialism 
-is -a succession o! fights for reiorms. This error is 
classic^ economisn.' ^ "• . 

jant of this argument adm ts that! this- position ' 
wrong, but. suggests that feince? imperialism is 
collapsing at this time, fights f.r reforms bqcome*. 
ely.. anti-Cmperialist." * Vt th^ stage ••of- 
ism' there ibviously «Hl; be more and more 
^or the ir iprovement of| i naterial conditions, 
is no guariiftee or increa .ing imemationalist 
an CQiismoi sness. )' 

one'- ham,': if we.'as revolutionaries^ are 
of unders. ahding the mcessity to smash 
imperialism and bi fid socialism ihen the masses of 
who we wanj to' fight along vith ,\is ara-capable 


Mnderstandi, gi ' On ihe . otheV >«V people are 
. - ordinwj sTied. <>* 1 J.Ji. 1 

it revn 

and kt* present dot 
• ution is;* raised «Wr 

or to undertake the burdens of ; revolution?' We need U> 
make it clear, from the very beginning that we are about 
revolution. But if we are so careful to avoid the dangers 
of refprmis.mi how do. we relateito particular reform 
struggVs? \\'» h- e to deve'»i|> feome sense of how to 
relate each paivkdlar issue tn the* revolution, 
I L". every case. » ur aim *6 raise -.nti -imperialist 
and anti-racist consciousness and tie the struggles of 
w'orking class youth (and all Working people) to the 
' struggles of Third World people, rattier than mevtOy 
Joining fiahts to improve material c onditions eve-t thi«n«h . 
these fights are certainly justified. This is not to Kay 
uiat we don't take immediate fights seriously, or f- fi m 
hard in them, tut that we are ^always up front with our 
politics, knovjing that people in the cogrse of strugglei 
are open to a class line, ready to move, beyond narrow |- 
solf -interest. 

It is in this sense that we point out that the particular 
issue is not the issue, is important insofar .-as it points 
to imperialism as an enemy Uiat has to be destroyed 
Imperialism is^ always the issue. Obviously, the Issue 
cannot be a good illustration,' or a powerful symixii, 
if it is not real to people, if it doesn't relate to the 
concrete oppression that imperialism causes. People 
have to be (and are being) hurt in some material way 
to understand ihe evils of imperialism, but what we must 
stress is tht systematic nature of oppression and the; 
way in whic.i a single manifestation of imperialism 
makes clear its fundamental nature. At Columbia it was 
not the gym, in- particular, wMehfwas important in the 
struggle, but ihe way In which khe gyrh represented, 
to the people of Harlem and Columbia, Columbia's 
imperialist invasion of the black colony. Or at Berkeley, 
though people no doubt needed a park (as much, however, 
as man; other things?), what made . the struggle so' 
important was that people, at alt levels of militancy, 
consciously saw themselves attacking private property 
and the power of the state. And the RlchmondjOil Strike 
wag exciting because the mili^t [fight for improvement 

t j understand it; : 
opportunittf, then' 
iff in giejr interests, L 

of material conditions was part and parcel of an attack 
^ on inVmation'^! monopoly capital. The numbers and 
5 'miiiianty of 'people mobilized for these struggles has 
consistently surprised the left, and pointed to the 
poitRtiai power, of a class-iconScious mass movemenU 
., The masses will fight forj ; socialism when they 
"understand Hhat- reform fights, figjits for . improvement 
of material conditions, caimot be] wbn under.imperiallsnu. 
B With! this understanding, revolutionaries should never 
put ''forth a ltiie which fos'ters the Hfusidh that 
imperialism will grant significant reforms. We must' 
engage in struggles forthrighily as revolutionaries,'! 
I so that it will be clear to anyone we help to win gains 
that 1 the revolution rather f than imperialism is . 
-responsible fop them. This is \ one of the strengths of ; 
the -mack Panther Party Breakfast for, Children ' 
' Program; It is ^socialism inpractice* by revolutionaries 
with [the "practice M ;bf arme^ sell-defense ^rid a "line" 
which stresses the -necessity of i oyerthrowing\ 
imperialism and iseizing state power. Pibbably the 
y American Friends Service' Committee serves more 
children breakfast, but it is the symbolic viilue of the 
program in ■deinoristrating what socialism will do for 
people which makes it worthwhile. - : 

\VHat does it! mean to organize around racism and. 
impSHalism in |specific struggles? In the high schools 
(and ^colleges) at thlsjtim?, it means puttingforth a mass 
line jto close dbwri the schools^' father thart to refprm 
themj so that tjiey can serve ,the people. -jTh'e reasoo\ 
for this line is riot 'that under" capitalism the schools " 
. cannot serve the people, and Itherefore it is silly or 
t l illusory to demknd; that. flather|it is that kids are ready 
f dr the full sfr|ope of militant; struggle, and already 
demonstrate a consciousnes&;of imperialism^ ^iich that 
struggles for a pebple-servinglschool. would not raise , 
_,the level of the r struggle toiits highest possible ikflnt. / 
Thus[, to tell a kidiin^'ew York^hat imperialism tracks' ' 
him .and thereb/ oppresses hint is pften small potatoes: r 
comftared to , his -consciousness that imperialism 1 ,r 
oppresses him, byj jailing himf pigs 'and'fall, and the 
.only! thing to do iisShreak out and tear up the jaiU 
Andleven wheri ijiglf-school Idds -are'ijbt yet engaged' 
in such sharp Struggle, it is cruciaf not to build; • 
cohsciousfress )niy around specific issues siich as 
trac^ng.or.flO':C.]or| racist teachers, but tp use these- 
issues to build toward the general consciousness that • 
the; jschoohv shiuld; be shut doiyn» It may be>lmportant 
• ( to; "present[a co iception of what-schools should 6V could 
,be i)ke (this woi Id include'the. abplitiotfof the distinctipn 
■ betwijeen mental and physical! vy>rk), -but. hot offer .this 

cues. not contradict demands for] Open a^mlssitns 
tolle«e or any other g( od re orm de|mand .{AgitatiohLl 
temands for Impossible, but reasonable, *eforms afe 
- good way to make a revolu ionSry point The demand 
• ijr .open adnussioris byi asserting! th^ alternative I' to tfie; 
l resent (school) systert expo iesH(ts fundar ental ^atui« 
-that it is "racist, class-ba|ed ( iano* clos kl— ^(ititing; 
,t3 the only possible soiution^to the'preseit sifcatioi 
'Shut it down I" The Impossibility of 5 real open 
" ■Emissions— all black and brbwi^peopie idmltted, rio 
; unk -out, full scholarship, under] present :ondltions-{- 
i • the best reason (that the schools shov^ r oi possibility 
i t real reform), to shut the schools dowi ^ We should 
rot throw away the ' pieces 6t victokes v ^ gain from 
tiuse struggles, fbr any kind [of more opei admissions 
r leans thatthe school is.clbserto|clbiing d i^n (it cosis 
tie schools more, there; are jnore njilitan blacks ai d 
t rowns making more ind more ]fuhdamer tal deman< s 
on the schools, arid. so on). Thus oW line in school 
• i terms of pushing any good reforms shoi Id be, 'open 
tliem up and shutjthem downl" ! \ 

The spread of black caucus ss in the she is and other 
workplaces throughout the ct Lmtry is an >xtension of 
tlie black liberation struggle, these groups have raised 
and will continue to raise ann-raciit'.iss les to white 
w arkere in a sharper fashion ((haii any whites ever havje 

could raise them, Blacks' Reading 

strug Hes again Jt 

. '^oital conceptioj 
way ibut thix-ugi 
, ■. A (mass line 

really possi ile ,to fight for in' any 
revolution. -| ' . ' | * ; : ; ■ 
cibsejdowni e schools or colleges. 

— . .j.™™,, - 

racism has made the issue unavoidable, s .the black 
dent movement leadership [did tfb • whie studenti. 
the sante time tiiese. black groujis ha e led f ighte 
witich traditional 'trade-union ipaders have consistentb- 
n fused to lead—fights against speed up ar J for safeS 
(1 1 sues which have become co|sidera ily it ore serious 
In: the last few years), forcing whits workers;, 
particularly the more oppressed,ito'choos< In anotiii 
wiy between' allegiance to the'Wiite mbtiier country anil 
blkck leadership, j As white mother country radica*- 
w| should try to be in shops, hospitals,- an I compani< 
wlfere there are black caucused 'perhaps organi'zii 
solidarity groups, but at any rajae pushing tht tmpbriant, 
of the black liberation struggle to whites, 'banding odt 
F^ee Huey literature, bringing iguys out jto' Panth^: 
rallies, and so on. Just flne! white guy iouldplar 
crucial role in countering UAW counter- Insurgency. 

jWe also need to relate to workplaces wh !r6;thwe is 
nd black motion but where there] are [still mapy.youn; 
wljite workers. In the shops thje crisis in i mperlalisi i 
has come down -around speed-up, safety and wag s 
squeeze — due to higher : taxes land intreastd inflatior,' 
with .'the possibility of wage-priccj con rols 'bein : 
infetUute*?. '■ J 1 j 

l\Ve must relate this exploitation! back to ti iperialfsm 
THe best way to do this is probably not cau Uses in tin 
shops, but to take guys' to city-widej demi nstrations 
N^wsreels, even the latest ^dministratio i building 
toj make the movement "concrete; to them ind-involvi 
them' in lit. Further, we can effect consciousness are 
pijck up people through agitational work at f lants, trait ; 
stops, etc., selling ' Movements, I handing t it leaflets 
about -the war, the Panthers, the conjqianitS' holding.' 
overseas _or relations to defense^ industi-y, etc. 

tAfter the Richmond'^ s^ri,ke r ; people leaf eted abou 
demonstrations in support[ of tlie [Cu^cao Oil workers 
F^ee Huey May Day, and -Pe^ple^s .Parkl 

■SDS has fiSt dealt in any ^adequate way with th< 
wdmen question*, die resolution passed at Ann Arbor 
dip not lead to much practice', iihojr has the li sed to 
male supremacy been ^ven any!|prograniinat d'directioi 
within Uie,RYM. : As a re'sultjiwi haVe a \ :ry lindtet 
uriderstandir^g. of the tie-up b^tW fen jimpei ialism a 
the women" question,- although we 1 now; Uiat ! ihee Worh 
wkr II the differential betwe^i \ men's an I. women's 
wages has htcreased, and guesji. t at t^ie brsakdown o: 
the family is crucial to the womai question, dffow do w( 
organize women against racism ^ni imperial sm wii 
sunmerging the ' principled reyoi ition'ary '< ^lestion- of 
wdmen's liberation?- Weihaveinb; real ansv 4r, but wj 
retognize 'the ' real, reaitionsu^ | ianger p women' 
groups . that are- not self -consciously revolu lonary 

to' become/ more relevant t|> -t ie growit g women's! 
movement, SDS women should bdgir to. see as a primary 
.responsibility the seifrcopscioui b -gariizirig bf women, 
Wej will not be able 1 to organize wo nenunles s'we sj 
dlrectis' to their own oppression. This will be »me more 
and more critical as we work mth-i more ^oppressed 
womien^.Women who are worldng aM-womer ,' who have 
families face male supremacy^ ci fiiuiudus] y| In -their 
d'ay l j-to-days,Hyes;.that will have; to le.the sto rting point 
in their ppiiticization. Yeomen Wil nWer ie able to 
undertake i a full 'revolutionary j-oh unless they break 

put [ of .Ih'eir^Voman'sc role, ioj.i , ;crucla (task for 
^ the creation or iTo -ms of o -ganizatiqn 
'in l^vhich wbmen will bfe able [to -take \o t| new 1 and 
\independent. roles. Wpmeifs seb^jef inse gio ups will-be 
a step.towar I these ' organizatim al ! Drms, 'a >; an effort 
to o /ercome women's isolation ind 3uild ,re oiutignary 
; self, reliance . ■ \ '■ ' ' \ - 

Ti e "cultur U revolt of i wonie i af ainsl ti elr |*xole* 
i i nperialis i m. (which is just* )§p ining io liappen- in 
a m iss 'way) should have uie^anejs^ rt;bf re' dluttcmaVy 
pott^tiai toat- the\RVM\c|laimwi|fb*[' •youth] JcuUure/ 

■ T^ 

Tne rpl.e of the 'wife-mother^ , 

niodi "m societies, and the disb ation o 'ithat role ; 
unde : imperialism should pwkejwo^ lie. imores 'mpalhefit 
i to rt volution 

In all of our work, we should tryj o {"ormulai^. demand? 
that- not only ; reach' out to more jopp -essed i v/pmen, but 
ones -which tie us to other qngoini ■" L -— ' : >-^- 
that' a-, day-carp center at il of It: 
worn ih^s liberation . struggle to] 
stru, sle* 

ere must be ,a strt 

moi -ment, for without one it! wi i 

r i pwtionary 

rt actiona y. iri most 

St *ugstfes, in the vfay 
•*%'<,<-\~i us to tic the 

"blac)i : 'l , Kb®rtii(^' ; 


to SI 

r * 


of the ayajem and 
struggles is to tie 

cay to make clear he nature 
working off of separate 

with e»ch other : to s tow that we're one 
«a* 'movement, riot an alll ince Df high school 
students, ■ or stents and QTtt or youth and 
black . mmunity. T$.e way 
or subregional 
regularly bringing people 
going on on othej^ 

t(i the 
.the ua 

will depend on 

haven't be n, 


But given 

on -campus 

or students and t 
Is to build org! 
. — movements, | 
in one institution or 

This works on two le 
by bringing kids to differ 

With! ■ a neighborhood, 


ind relating these 

fight), to each other— nigh school stuff , colli ges, housing, 

shops— | me begin to build 


ti-issue movement off of thdm. Besides actions 

st rations, we- also pull 

day-to-day film show: ngs, 

dlff 'rent people 

and study groups, j etc. 
neighborhood 'ba^es* ' Ink 
le movement by doing the 
iting our forces at whatever 

rallies, for 

secpnd level, we- 
Ity-wide o: 
: ame kind of thing; 
important struggles 


are goinfc on and building more ongoingMnterf-elationshlp? 
off of thajU 

The irnportance of specifically ntlghb, rhood -based 
organizing is illustrated by pur greaijest failing in RYM 
practice [so far — high 1 ->rhool organizing. 1 1 most cities 
we djon'tj know the kids *ht> have Men ■ trial up and 
burning down the schools. Our approach had been elitist, 
relating u> often baseless city-wide ; rroups by bringing 
thenr oir line, or ptckirig up k ds with a false 
undurstai ding of "politics" rather han those whose 
practice demonstrates thetrj concret? anti-Imperialist 
CCMesMM ness that schools fare prisons. We've been 
unwilling to' work continuously with high school kids 
as w« di< in building up college chap, lers. We will only 
roach; tin high school kids, who are 1 1 m< ;fon by being 
in Lhi schoolyards, hangout^ and on the | treets on an 
everyj-daj basis. From a nelghborhoo I bas i high°schpo! 
liid!, poul 1 be effectively tied in to stru, ;gles around 
other llnslilulions and issues,' and to the ant -imperialist 
movcfncni as a whole. 

ttc|wlll try to involve neighborhood kidt who aren't 
in higr. IC uola tooj take thcnS toantl-v aror 

ah understanding of 
rather than, V "student 
ionary youths moverfisnt 
_ In lot! of places' where we"' 
—^t tying the student mpyemeht-to ■ 
itruggles IsnT a i substitute, for that.-; 
_ llmltci resources we tnust also lead'the - 
m >Uon Eito "a RYtfi direction, and we can 

; on tl i,- 

strtt?t!i; aroirid dope; we should.jb<us ;oi> t*em, 
thum'.-.iut a I Jtm^titne^Uke theM&anfte^s^iio'.^ 


should relate th i daily oppression by. thf pig to their 
In political repression, and develop ,a j .class.. * 

galnjs toward city-wide youth movements 

st: rr in the schools, etc, 

more broadly through mwspaiar.s, films, 
. Activists and cj dres whe are recruited in 
will help expand and decj pn tt e movemrnt 
Rhborhoods and h 1 Rh schools. N Kw Nf will 
ed in to the coll ge -based movjemcnt In the 
" dlren 



-oriented provincialism, berer 

uitir g high school 
il where it Is re; 1 enough and >e recruiting 
out oC it. In Its most dev< lopel form, this 
Mghbbrhc Kl-based movem nt wouh be a kind of 
sub-rejgion, In places wher i the mo ement wasn't sb 
strong! thl i would be an Imp >rtnnt for n foi being 
to kids, in a day-to-day way and yet b i rcl iting heavily 
to a lot ti issues and political front wh ch the samu 
kids ai*e in olved with. 

The I sec ind level Is combining the e neighborhoods 

Into city-, 
mean' coin 

anti -racism 
at tl e same time 


ide and regions 

the same thing -bringing 

HNH its. 


Still ;o; 
for < nai 
clty r w! 

of the 

make grea 
by doing it. 

Three pri ncl^lei ujjderly this multi - Issue, 
'■cross-inslltuional* movement, on the neighborhood: 
and city-idds levels, as to ivhy.jt creates greater 
revblutiona *y conjscic usness and active participation in . 
the revolut on : 

(1) Mixing different issues,: struggles and groups' 
demonstrat is ourjani lysis to people In a material |way. 
We claim t iere is on 3 system and so all these different 
problems' h iv^ th^ sa ne solution, revolution. If they are 
the same s niggle in he end, we should make thA clear | 
from the b< gtuiing. On this basis we must aggressively 
smash the hctipn! th! t there can be outside. agitators I 
on a quest! m pertain ng to the imperialists.' 

(2) *Rela[in ', tcl M ition" : th^ struggle activity, the 
action, of ht mover lent demonstrates our '.existence 
and strengh to peojle in a material way* . 'Seeing It 
happen,', pet pi > gi'ye it more weight in .their thinking. 
For the pa rti c.lpahts, involvement In struggle Is the 
best educat or about l he movement, the enemy and the 
class strug *h , Irj a neighborhood or whole city the 
existence tf some struggle is a catalyst for (ther 
struggles— it pushes people to: see the moyemert asl 
more impo ta it ahd urgent, , and " as ah example and 
precedent iial;e5 .it easier for them to- follow. TTthe 
participants in a| struggle are bas"ed in- different 
institutions o - .p^rts of the city, these effects are ' 
multiplied, va *iedjpa ticipation helps the movement be 
seen as po .itical jCwlolly subversive) rather than, as 
separate gr .evance fiihts. As people in,orie section of 
the movemt nt light be iide and identify closer -Vith other 
sections, th? i^utual catalytic effect of their ^struggles 
will be gre; le 

fr.) We m^st 
:hat imders 
Pooling our 
r.ojes increa 
push a mutu ii 

XI. THE in 

A major f< -cus ir 

away from 

build a movement oriented toward power, 
pjowfr struggle,, and wo must develop' 
fig ariori; people from' the beginnir.,T- 
r.iisoufce! area-wide and city-wide really 
our^pov erMn particular fights, as well as. 
lid-Jn-f truggle consciousness,, ■; 


is the pigsL becfeuse tl^ey tie together thje ^various 
struggles arouid me state) as the enemy, and.;thus point 
to the need 
defeat it. 

The pigs 
the limits 

This' w6uld 

pec pip to other 

larger stale rejaUnti to 
ronbiliiai Ion! . AnexAmple 

fights I golf K on — only 
various bio r-ups and regfona! 

is how a ot of people fro n diffcrei t pi icea went to' 
San i Viinci co State, the Richmond Oi: Sti ike, and now 
Berkeley. The existence of this kind of c ro«s r 'motlon 
maVie.s ongc Ing organizing In other pla> :os 1 o farter and 
stronger, first by creating j 1 pervasive p illtffbatioii, 
awf second by relating cVery hing to the r lost militant 
and ad<|anc4d struggles going on so th it U ey iwluence 
and set the Lace for a lot nw re people. Further! clUe?S 
are a 1 basic unit of arganlz; Hon of. t ie whole ■ society 
In'a'wiy thjat neighborhoods urenX F ir ekafi^Ip, one 
front Wheri we should be dslng stufr Is th* courts;- 
they aire mostly organized c ty-wido, not by amalier 
areas. .jThe kama for the city 1 svemmei >t Ue e\t. Schools 
whore klds go are in different 1 elghborh >ods from where 
thej life, dppeclally colleges, the iai le f<n hospitals 
peoif.e I go ja, and where ther work. As i H 
question of itaying with peopti we pick up, 1 he r 
h a city-wide ar area-wide kind of oricnatl... Is 
felt in.our rt jvement. 

Anothler ( ilure oi this year was making cli 
the |RXM m* ant for chapter m mbors 1 nd s udetlts who 
weren't nrtriniztTS about to li ive thofr ca npus for a 
community College, high scho« t, GI orWd if— ' 
or neighbor mods. One! thing It ITIii ill I. UlipilS ;~ 
relatihg hoai lly to bff-Carnpus tctivltie i are striiggles, ■ 

as part of tl e city-wide motion, hjot lea rf-'~ tw_ I 

moveawrf. Ill e people did for Efi AP stuf ; 

the; pigs cp ne 
.enforcing car Ita 

and bourgeoi 

bur neighborhood and city-jwide work 

{op a movement oriented toward power to 

! r . i « 
irej th ;| capitalist state, and as such.deOne 
(fill; tblificalj struggles: to the extent ftet 
revolution ir; -'. struggle shows signs of- "sue'eess, th'cy 
come in an I 1 nar v the piint it ; can't go beyond. In the 
jarly stages of st iggle, |he ruling class lets parenis - 
come down ■ n, higl 1 1 school kids, [or jocks attack college 
chapters. W] en|th<;;Strugg|e. elcalates the pigs come itn 
at Columbia the left: Was afraid! its struggle would be 
co-opted to intl-pt'Uc'e brutalityj"cop.s off cajhpus, and 
said pigs wei enft th^ issue^ Rut pigs reallyarelthe issue , 
and people ril understand this! one way or*\another. 
They can -hive a [liberal "j understanding that pigs are 
sweaty work ng -class barparians who over-react and 
commit "poli :e irurajity* and so shouldn't beo^n caWpus. 
Or. they can 1 ndi rs^ahd pigsasthelrep^essiVe imperialist 
state doing is obi pur jo)b',is nbt to|avoid\aie issue of 
the pigs as, ' dl> er^hg" from ariti -imperialist struggle, 
but to emph isi ;e that (hey arefour real enemy if. we 
fight .that* str igf le to win. \ - - ' V 

J^veh. whenj there is no organized political Jstruggle, 
down on I people in everyday life in 
istfproperty relations, bourgeois. laws, ' 

lityi they giiard stores, and; factories 

unde standing of po itical power and armed force iamong 1 • 
the k ds we'relwith. /\' - |. , 

As we develop a I ase these two aspects of Uie plg'rpie 1 
incrc isingly come ogether. In the schools,- pig is part , 
of di lly oppressioi —keeping order in halls and* lunch \ . 
roomi, controlling snioking-^whlle ' at the 'same )ime 

.pigs 1 prevent kids. Trom handing out leaflets, are} bust', 
"outs de agitators. The presence of yputh^b&youth ; 
with ttig hair, bee imes defined as organized political \ 
strug lie and the"- f igs react to it- as such. More apd j 
more everyday activity is' t poUtically ttweatenuig,iso! * 
pigs ire siWdenly more in evidence; this 1 ih\ turp ' 
gener ites political irganiiatlon and.opposiH°n, .^nd/so 
on. ,C ur tatk-.;'WIU be to catalyze this' development 

■ . pushh g ; out the co if Iict with the pig so as to'definfe 
every struggle— sc iools (pigs out, pig instituted oilt), 

• welda e (invading pig-protected office), the streets. ' 
(curie v and turf figt ts)— as. a struggle againsVtheJ needs 
of cap talism and thi force of the state.. ''j 

Pig; . don't repn sent state power as an a^strac* , 
princi le: they ar< a- power that we will have to 
overct me in "the course of struggle or' become 
irrelevant, revisioi ist, or dead. We must prepare 
concrt tely to meet their power because our -Job is to . 
defeat he pigs and t ie army, and organize on-that'basis;, 
Our \ ;ginnings should stress self-defense— building 
defens groups arot nd karate classes, learning "how, to : 
move. 1 n the street a >d arounid the neighborhood, medical r 
trainir r, popularizh g and' njbving toward (according to . 
necess ty) armed se f-defense, all the time honoring, a™ * 
putting fOrth' the pri nciple that "poKtical power comSs, 
out of the barrel of a - gun.*! -These self niefense groups- 
would nitiate pig si rveillance.patrols. 'visits tothe.pig 
station and courts v hen. someone is busted,; etc.! 
; -Ob* tusly the issjes around the pig' will not come { 
down >y neighborh >od alonej^ it will take at^ : least 
city-w ie - groups al le to coordinate activities againsU 
a unifi ni enemy — in the early - stagey, -far legal ahd "bail 
»-,'Soiir :es and turn ng people out for demonstrations, - 
adding the power o the , city*-wide mqvement to'what -■ 
may b initially, onl, a tenuous base fn a neighborhood^ *; 
Strugg es.'in one pa -t of the city will notonly provide 
lesson , for but' ma erially aid simifar mojjW the 
rest' 0 it. : ' i - 

Thus the pigs! are ultimately the glue— the neef ssoty . 
— that holds the, r eighborhood -based '- and city-ivide* 
moven ent together;- all of our concrete needs lead to - 
pushin : the pigs ti the fore* as. a political ^oc'us: 

(1) 1 liking institu ionally oriented reform strii^glest- 
deal w th state powei, by. pushing out struggle tttkjeitheV 
wihniri : or getting p^ged. 1 , " •> 

(2) 1 sing the city-i ide inter-relation of fights to~raise ! " . 
the le el of 'struggle and further large-scale anti-pig 
moven ent -power cor seiousness. ' |* 

(3) t Bvelopirig spot taneous anti-pig consciousness in 
our ne gl borhoods tc an understanding of imperialism;, 
class s xuggle and tht state. , ' -. i' 

■(4) a «J using, the Hty -wide;, movement as 'a- platform- 1 
for re nforcing and, ;xtending this politicization jwork; 
like b . talking, abt ut gettihg. together a cityiwide-* 
neightx rhood-based : nutual aid anti-pig self-defense-- 

* networi ^\ ' ' > 1 

, All ( [ this can be d me through city-wide agitatibn and 
propag nda and picki g certain issues— to have as the 
central regional ^ocus for the jhble, movement. ^- '■['"* "■ 

XII,- RrfpfesiON -At D -REVOtUTION * "' L 

As irfstitutiohai figAU and anti-pig self^efedWoff of * 
them i tenslfyj j'so vill the riding- claSs's^repressioh. ' 
Their c icalation' of r ipressib^w^/ihevftaljly . ; |cpntihue'. 
accordi g to ho.w thri atening Ute' movement isi to »heir ' 
power. Our--.task is: no,t to avoid or end..repressidii;; 
that ca: always be c" >ne by pidling back, ^so vie're^Qt 
dange^o is. enough to ^ squire ;crushingi^metimes it is*.' 
correct to do ttjat aji. a tactical retreat, 'to^urvlve i$. . 
fight agi in. !. y ,^i> ' ! t 
To dqfeat rei^essioj^-^however, is not to^; siop it v 
(continued on foUowihg^page) 

ed 6A 



me caihpus 
he way they 
Jke thi iwtionil 
es Will bllld the cm -cart au: 
»»ti iuj 

Becaiue tie movem. >ot| -will be dehnlns 
ct-Lai. jn to 1 lany burl I and i roups, i Dt'just 
land tnfl wal anil racl im| as hey hit at tht s 
it * l irai a political conteit that n n-s -ji, 
retake bj t»U r, and be l lore iu tul lo oikanlzlr 
-"-ol . students, t elghbor nod kids, the 
th process, t will c lang. ut consck 
too; if th.:' i: sues aia right 
'iijim; p lople wi 11 develc > a col 

Jime 18, IS 69' 

tyew Left Notes ■ 


Proposal on the Cuban Revolution 

(Tjhe following resol-ition lias been submitted to 'thi 
National 4 Conventi' in by Karin Asbleji,' Gerry Long, and 
v' Julie Nichatninv) 

"'■-'-7 Shortly before Ais- de ath In battle, Jose Marti (leade^ 
of tiie Cuban- IndLpend mce movement) wrote that he 
embraced the chance ip give bis life in the -struggle, 
and j *with the indepew fence of Cuba, to prevent the 
United States' exiendinj itself throughout the Antilles 
and descending wih.thj ( added force upon the countries - 
of .-our America." Marl died, and his hopes for true 
Cuban independenc i remained. unfulfilled for sixty year*; 
V;, as United States mpeiialism relentlessly carried 
[ Marti's prophecy ii Cuba and the entire Latin American 
Continent. The United States rapidly became the center 
of world-wide imp'rialism, all the while Increasing its 
economic penetrat on .and domination of Third World 
countries, particularly those in Latin America. Cuba 
is the first Latin American country to break out oi 
US domination ana control. Since our movement to 
\ destroy American imperialism from the inside is 
i iru Atricably linked with Third World liberation 
movements, we si lould understand in what ways the 
Cuban Revolution serves as an example for these 
siruggles, and we should be prepared to offer it the 
most concrete support possible. This proposal contains 
a position on the 'Cuban Revolution, a call to support 
a North American brigade to cut sugarcane in, the 1970 
~_ Ten Million Ton turvestlas a means of demonstrating 
-:_ our solidarity, ark a call for a national educational 
program on the Ciban Revolution. 


* I. Description-: Pol 

;tical Background 

North American 
Independence against 

af 'Spam st 

ijerition in the Cuban War of 
Jpain - (sometEi 


facade, 'behind. 
i&t&ii ~$HWtjQ>&s impost. 
P WE^ ^^«r|Latin American courfl 
l^oT^servile administrators of the 

mer : pupp ;ts oCdmrj^rialism", who wer!e 
Tcco^jftlfces in th > forr Wj^^^feuba^. as a virtual 
■ econohiio posse ssi< n of ^^wS^lfefes. 

Under jthej protect ton of il^^^^ftiM^s^^olutrignt' 
v military j intervention,, the^Wf Amendment, tariff 
^ agreements, \and the sugi r quote arrangement, the US 
imperialists. system iticall r carried out-their domination 
. of Ciibafi society. No otier Latin American country 
-" had it? economy pen itratei so quickly and so thoroughly; 
The imptjrialists-iCo itro^le i the best land, all the mines; 
■r: the greater part of the! sugar industry, 'public services; 
the most efficient in lustries, the electric power system, 
j." the telephone servrc e, the railroads, the most important 
•* businesses, and the' )ajiks;i' 

This jeriod of - American domination of Cuba 1 
•^(1902-1958) corresi ortded to the, phase; of development 5 
of monofBly capita ism ih fhe United States, and the! 
£p^v mechanises of exploitation .and control of Cuba were! 
r' an expreision of tiis process. Cuba was a -potential i 
market ft r - US surr. lus capital and maniifactured goods, \ 
as wpU is " a sour :e lot [raw materials. As Boorstein i 
L put iii~*k~ was the" [American) monopolies that geared : 
- the Cubaij economy to sugajr, dominated its resources, ; 

suffocated its indus ry with' the goods they pumped in, ■ 
r and drained out it s J foreign exchange; for luxuries." 
j_ The Iflorth America i economic domination of C,uba had | 
. -*ts political expression ih the ""pseudq-republic" with," 
• r '- its neo-colonial bou rgeoisj parliamentary system, while" 
the pseudo-republic m government heljied to stabilize I 
' . ' 311(1 reinforce economic 'tarnation. The roots of the 

Cuban revolutionar; • struggle can be traced to this |" 
T ^f^om)i^|doininatioi. 'and political cpntrW.-.abd the logic : 
| ; of. the Cuban reyolu ionary process grew directly out W . 
•; _ these relations of foi ces»';| 

j' The Ciftaji GuerrUl: War and 

j- jthe Irfsspjfis for Lat n America | 

-i \ In order to t te politically and, economically f 
independent; the first task of the Cuban [revolutionaries } 
was/to skze powei throjigh " armed struggle 3 and the * 
defeat r of Batista's army! In this { first phase of the 

by parrying out exemplary' actions , and defeating the 
forces of Satista's iarmy, thereby demonstrating th?* 
the i epressive brces of the. State were not alf-pQwerful. 
People's political consciousness- grew \ put of 
confrontation and struggle. "What dlstingui sties jfixe- true 
revolutionary worn the false revolutionary is precisely 
""this : brie acts to move the masses, the other waits for 
the .masses to have a consciousness already before 
starting- to act." 

In discussing the applicability of guerrilla struggle 
as the road -to power in the rest of Latin America, 
Fide^ said that Cuba is part of a "much wider movement 
on thffftontinent than the movement constituted simply 
by tne 'Communist Parties of Latin America* ami'tn^t 
Cuba will "judge the content of organizations not by 
what! they say they are but by what they prove they 
are.,..." It is an illusion to believe that tiie Latin 
American revolutionary movement can succeed without 
arm4d struggle. And the guerrilla is the 1 vanguard of 
that ' struggle j the nucleus of the revolutionary 
movement: "This does not mean," Fidel continued, *jthat 
the guerrilla movement can rise without fifhy previous 
work; it does not mean., that the guerrilla movement 
is something that can exist without political direction 

.... The guerrilla is organized by a political movement, 
by a jpoliUcal organization." What is unacceptable \s the 
separation of military and political command arid the 
idea [that guerrillas can be directed from the cities* 
The Success of the Cuban guerrilla war was bas|ed on 
the opposite principle : unity of political and military' 
command in the guerrilla force. I 

Thife organizational form must be combined With a 
strategy of opening up many fronts against imperialism 
in Latin America. 'The correlation of forces Of the 
-imperialists on this continent, the proximity qf its 
^En^?m»Qli*ajn territory, the zeal with which they will 
*"jfen d*tee ir dominions in this part of the w^rld, 
" lategy on this continent, 'more! than 
vl*> r * jjB liiTO rand simultaneous, struggle." 

•• " * t 

ars of the Revolution, pow<r 


the r^volutioi 
bourgeoisie and 
capitalists with iinterfests 
and the 'exp'rppria!tion 'and hationatl: 
productive forces. Neocolonialism in Cul 
an extreme ca/se (because of the extent oi 
penetration ofjthe Cuban e'eonbrny) of the t; 
in Latin America. li is. charactiib^d by an 
system based !on the export of raw mat& 
agricultural!- and mineral products) Uritf 


tel^.-u.ral campaign , the 
Combined ; *ith| poj ular 
i as.sassinat on, atteih it on 

strategy developed by the ! 

represented a sharp break j 

been traditionally used in l 

the premises ' (outlined by [ 

revolutionary procei s, thi 
jguerriilas for takini powej 
.from ;the itrategiesj ' Jiat 

>Latln Amprica. It C intainu. v.. ; WUUi[1 ^ 

•.[Ohi*|iii Gtierrilla WatfareJ that^"popular! forces <5m win 
'ya^Vjar against the trmy;' (that) it is not necessary to 
iwair until jail conditi ms fdr makmg revolutions exist— 
, . ^the irisuirection c in ..create them; j(and that) 
ufderdeve oped Am« rica' fte.. countryside is the ba^ic 
^area. for. armed fig iting.' In his. speech to the OLAS 
.(Latin An erican So idarit ' .Orgahizatioti) Conference, 
# Fidel - jslressed , : the . jlfficulties Which -Cuban 
revolution aries had exper enced in getting the people 
accept jthe idea th it they could fight against a modern 
professional army ind wi u But it would have been a 
.tragic err jr. to let he peo )le believe tha|t'Batista could 
• : be. overthrown by leacefu means or .limited, armed 
yn uggle': dfl other ^heans, for taking power had failed 

tttack on Moncada barracks 
Jprising^ general ' strikes, 

The :-rolf. or the fuerriOa wa>to moVe ihe masse'v 

integrated fnto the world Capitalist sysfem.. The 
landowning class,' although it sometimes jirassesses 
premeircantile or semifeudal dualities, is Vibt really 
a feudal class .since its interests are subordinate to, 
and * a function of, the international \ capitalist 
bourgeoisie. Similarly, the significant and! {powerful 
elements of the national 'bourgeoisie wh^cH dominate ! 
Latin American society, are themselves domi,nated.and^ 
controlled by' the imperialist bourgeoisie,"! serve as 
instruments of that class, ,and therefore^ must be 
considered as a comprador bourgeoisie. This!ijomprador 
sector represents the largest grouping of [the:' Latin 
American bourgeoisie. The sector which ilcould be 
considered as the middle bourgeoisie (the moStbackward , 
'economifally knd technologically) is rtlativeilv, 
'due to! the immense difficulty in competing inlindastry, 
cornrri^rce, and finance with the monopoHes of the ■ 
imperialist bourgeoisie. The petty bourgeoisie,' on the 
oiher hand, isj a fairly latge sector, comprised of small 
businessmen, artisans, service produclngij elements, 
«lo»er members lot ■ state bureaucracies ani 
professlonals.jThe fundamental anti-imporiallst alliance 
during the .Cuban instirr4'ction ;(and at present in Latin 
America) ti^p between, the workers, peasants., petty, 
bourgeoisie and elements of the middle bourgeoisie : 
aligned against the landowning class and the tfi 
bourgeoisie, . j | j 
Once the< Cuban : fertlutlon took power,' 1 )!! be'gan 
- a number of jasic. reforms (for example the agrarian j 
reform Snd urban refdrrti laws) which <jld not constitute 1 
a socialist progranlj. However,' these reforjns wire 
immediately- bpposedj by the comprador bolirgeolsfei . 
and as class lines Sharpened, the reformist program 
was necessar ly cohyertM into a socialistitprogramk 
The anti-impe^rialistj alliance • an anttlcapltalist ' 
socialist alliance of the' working" class and) peasants! : 
So that' within, the cUteiit of the imperlaUsV systeml 
pursuing national goals of economic developn&timeint 
overthrowihg American domihatlori anil- |he' "chi if- 
Instrument < f ' th^ domination, the compradir 1 

■ bourgeoisie and ■lot accomplices. : TH' r Cubig \- 
. anti - IVnperia ist rt volution .. became a social! 2* I 

revoluUoh, aid as j Fidel said, - speaking, of Cuba s 1 ' 

■ hisMrtfal. p-j-iticm ill .'Latin .America: ;!|, j- 

"V. e lare tin first i eople of this ^ "contlnentlsb abolis h 1 " 
the exploltatio i of ins n by, man! It is;true th« we wetfe •'• ' 
the last- to:bei in (to gain independence aM irU slaves)/ -'. 
but it is'alsotiue that We have gone further t^tanybneyi . *!~ 
i*k,e. We havs' eradicated the capitalist jlVstem if • 
• exploititloni we have made the' people the trife' ownei|.s! , . 
of UieiWuiure ami ihfelr wealth, WE WERE TKE LASTi - 1 

K.4\ t BEEN ' 

In the early! 
consolidated and guaranteed by the aiming of the pfeople 
(in people's mllitias)\and the; enlargement of thi ] tebel 
Army. The armed torw of the BevoluHonary Goveh menf 
was their chief class weapon against internal enemies 
(counter - revolutionaries) and foreign: enemies 
(imperialists and their agents)., .|\ 

At the same time, efforts were begun to develop the 
Cuban economy. Speaking to x workejs|at a May Day rally 
.Fidel said: \ j f 

* "How many were there who, could understand that 
a revolution did not mean that the people would simply 
enter an area of wealth, but that ltVneant that they yrould 
begin to create that wealth...? There wasn't even a 
political organization that represented the will anlieffort 
.of all of the people. That is why we sbeak of the tnuinph 
of the rebellion instead of the revolution,.* 

I "V 

! The Cubans see work - as the battle iof their new 1 war - 
ihe war. or a Revolution in ptiwer igainst 
underdevelopment, and they see the rjtrty Us the 
vanguard of that struggle. During the Revolutiona ry War 
the guerrillas were the vanguard which, uiroigfr the 
, process of armed struggle, created the subjective 
i conditions necessary for victory (the; consciousness that 
victory was possible by violent meahs), and defAlop^d 
the strategies which led to that victory. The socialist 
revolution changed the objective relations of production 
in Cuban society, the Party is the vanguard whlcnvis 
creating the subjective conditions necessary for the 
development of a communist society, and developing 
the policies for the economic changes I^adin^to an>^ 
economy of abundance. The change jln consciousness 
comes from participation in the smuggle, to develop 
the economy, and from an understanding of that process. 
As Che said : \\ 

"Kvery worker, on every- ,level, becomes a 
for the economy..., their vanguard is. the 
composed of the most advanced; workers, 
advanced men' who move along bound to ; the i lasses 
and in cldse communion with' them.,..T«j; build 
^j^omnunism) a new man must be created simultai cousl. 
*\the material base." 

km Of party members in Cuba, is unique| in the 
wE|aN-ld. All potential party members - ri ust be 
a^^^jjft^Bl^hase; jn every work -place t iere i 
th nominees are hose,T 
' work7piace. ■ Th( party 
[aljjite each nor inee' 1 ; 

(dm ssion. 


Vanguard, that' is, wKeVttey^Tre educa ed for ■ 
communism. Our work is aimed jat prbvidir ; that 
j- education. The parly is the living example;... wit i their 
acts they must lead the masses (o. the end >f the 
^evolutionary task, which .means years of si niggle 
1 against, .the difficulties of construction, the class 
enemies, the " -defects of "the pa^t, imperia ism.* 

z Internationalism 

■What is the history of Cuba if not tke .history cv Latin 
, America? And .what is the history! of Latin Aiierica 
i' if not the history of Asia, Africa, and Oceania?! And 
| '.what is the, history of these peoples; bjut the his] ory of 
[t; : the most merciless and cruell 0xplMtati( n-f by 
..^imperialism in the eptire worldj* 

Second Declaration of f avana 

: "Create two, three, many Viet-nanis, 
; , watchword," ,i f 

i ' Che'i Message 


e the 

to Triconti cental 

Internationalism is fundamental to the Cuban' revo! ution. 
! The Cuban^ understand that imperialism muit be 
1 1 destroyed liefore .cbmmujiism can* really exist \ a ary • 
i ^jjuntry. "Humanity \ comes before on^'s owA couitry,' ' 
;,says Fidel, and ■communism cannot be built h one 
^ountry in the midst of an underdeveloped w >rld."' 
'(he imperialists' weapons, against- Cuba f indue s the 
blocftade, armed, j aggression/ and mercenaryf'inV isionj- 
rsabotage, r infiltration of , spies >aid j pirate J aids, 
pVovocations from the US miiibu-y bask (Guahta amo) 
i legally occupying j Cuban soil^' and slander ani ties 
'(^specially through' the OAS, the "Yankee Minis; ry of 
•Oolonies»>. •itorjthb .Cuban rCTolutioiujriw'.f Fidi Itold 
'". ricontinfental' -. delegates, .- •tiie . ^tUefiejd aj ainst 
i -hperialism covers the whole gf pi e . i. . . (tiie | :ubah 
people realize) tiiat the (enemy) who X^cks oii pwn 
doasts ' and* our land .(is) the same , »jm -attacks (k ier&'. 
And because of .that, we state t id proclaim that 
revolutionary movements in any coiner ofv the| fl obe 
can .count on :■ Cuban - combatants.* ' -,| 
J The First Tricon^riental Conferercj,^. ivana 
in JtttMKj.7 1967", was an _ atten & " to- mater alize 
Mlid4i:ilyV ■ to 1 ' deepen aiid. solifify revolutj hhary 
movements W Third; World, people: |in their, sttiggle\ 
•against imperiaiisrri. Preparations i )|- this conf^ wicl ,! 

r : 1. i 

*sei ver, 
nei lean 
tec edenti 

Solid irity 
Amei ica 

)r the (i st time, deleg ites of the ai tl 
:olonIi ill t militant . b 'ganizations 61 
tiients miet.itLto frustrate the 
Imperialist il'ind of the reactionary for< 
.tiients; fa .accelerate Iberation r 
usurc I heir | econom c, social 
e]opmert;...and| to mail tain active 
Inking an I coordinationW all 
:hieve or to [maintain their Ind 



f as 1961, d 
f Solidarity 
ing, which; 
first I of such 

continent. A, ' 
vi objectives 
the* Peoples 
Outlined the 

'o i( 

ring the |fc 
4'. the Afro'- 
' ms attended 
of the 
if Asia, 
imp )rtance of 

he coficlustohlMn the General pecflaratlon/ 
tes : 

rehce si 

two,: t 
crea ion i 

to Bi dustria] 

t v t 
rn. t « Latin 
aini ig . the 
,ce for the 
ar i Latin 
m setlngs *. 

i three 

Cont en m 
Afi ici 


ar i 
ark p 
coun rie i 


levt lot ment 

to tie 

ividence that the liberation of Ash , 
America will hasten the, i truggle 
and| other .oppressed iecl 
the.United States. ..agahpst 
cajpital , w . . In Its ; . (urn, the 
class struggle and tha£ 
countries, will contribute 
e for: national liberation' 
>rlcai and thus, THE 
;at the common 
Imperialism, and 
2rialism, the most 
of them all,* ) 

stress the importance 
hk .heart of imperialism 
i laiiy Viet x -nams includes 
Viet -nam 'within the vei 
st .Mother Country:, the 

>f Alia 
COM *0,N 
EN1 :my 

f ;ro^; 

of all 
i call 



licy in the early years »f the 
wa s based ojri the conviction that readj isting 
prio itie? aiic releasing idle labor and reso 
unlimited opportunities for economic i rowtl 

af the condition of neo-cc 
:e and to diversify agricul;ure, 

first twi i important goats were 
titution ind the development of a 
. These 1 ! policies required 1 heavj 
gn restj-ves in raW materials, 
_ lirig pf ai economic infrastructure 
;kWed oers| nnet, and construction* 
^ere straij oh the Cuban economy. 
sqr\es.; Cfo eign exchange' as | Well 

reed the Cubans to n -reval 

-, a 

NTCBQUrtes) f( 

p(j idlesV Acq rrding to Carlos Rafael 

s \ epe tha^ strong deriend mce 

could tot be^ ended ml a shprt 
i\tropiea/ country, Cuba had;: rm 

prtxfucts (sue ir, dairy and-nu 

fie, .tobacc)) which she cotfid'offer lDothe] 
intries)\wi b In turn were capable 
stabilized market with good trices. 
sugar, 1 primal ily\ meat and djiry prot 
fruits would p wide the bulk of foreign 
industrial 'd ivelopment posslblel' \ 
solidifying th ilr own subsistence Bas . Thj£ (dciis on 
a^culture bids at\a mechanized ajrL 
.will produce capital 1 Ttoi j re-invesllmei A, - #1 
' sami time' fr :elng laboisior oiher actl "' 
stages bf inih strial.deyewipment are vi 
o.from the foci S on agriculture : Indust ies 
■a technologic illy advanced \gricultu ill 
.(fertilizer, ce nerit, electriclty/agricul ura! 
and Industrie which agriculture^ gen srat| 
agricultural T b r -products' and processu g). 

The |Ten Mllion Ton Harvest of 19' 
in Cuba's, eco ibmlc developments.' it w 
point oh the road toward .sustained t 
The revenue rom this harvest will e abl 
backja good pt rtion of her* loans; ijmti g^' 
a half biillior 'tons 'of sugar in reseAe and 
international c redit rating, thus enab'lui j 
machinery re pessary for the t mec.h^i 
imRrovemeht (f the agrlwJtura^ sector! -^J; 
It will ^provi i ; ■ funds for, the purcha^S ' 
consumer goo Ij : which are in short st?)p)ly at 
time, lr 

PtJlitically, t: ■: harvest is also crit ^|>1J^ 
total m6biliza ion oi the people |to co hDleba, 
liillion. ton$. The Party has Triad' (great 
.built -people's Consciousness "and theh lm(lejr'. f 
■ tha Aiec.Uve'! ajid , importance of the task^" 
the laryest, tie organizational capa ity'- l i. 
Ilsel* will be suprfeme'Iy| tested. As, Fidel 
•the -Jkh Mill! m,.Toji Harvestis the biggest b&W 
iba's wa ilgaijisl underdevelopment.,, ^ 




XL- i^osilion o i 

pa^tirfp ir : 
mfiv^ment, w : fully!. 

of) the 

y aimed bt 
commun st 

Cuba ij 

Sc ssic>n nt 

gg ■ess Ions of 
of t ie three 


st -uggling 
tpeAder ce....* 

haviiiK clearly i j Uamed ; a great deal! ftrpmi the^ 
. f.hort'-bmingi jorlsoclalisiTu as practiced |ln _the Sflvict ■ 
Union and Eaitejrn Eurbpei ,Th< gradual elimination Of 
nitMity, the use of moral lhcentivesi.mass partlcip|!; '*) 
in the military and political processes, the biHlffipg of .- 
mass conscldusnesi, authentic measures to; de'itroy'- 1 
class' differences land to prevent the emergence of a' new ; 
bureaucratic class-rail are' part of Cuba*s experiment| 
in the creatiwi of p n'ew socialism. " j ; -|" 

3^ Cuba has'developedanewcohc"eptofinteniationf(Hsni 
expressed In the Second DeclaraUonV-H^vana t^theduty 
of every revolutionary is to .make, the ^'revolution'.* 
Che's call for "twi, three,.manyVlet-nams'is a strategy 
for the defeat of mp'erialism, andj the guiding coftcept 
for a. new Interna ional. centered Uthe ; Third World and 
linked to the blick liberation struggle as weil as , 
struggles in all advanced capitalist -countries. , l 

1.1 "I > 
in the 
1.0 trill 

NeA 1-cft "^te ^."">4*^ 1969 -It 
Purposes ol-the Brigade 

poU'ticaily, rrioraliyand materially ; supportCuba| 
ritic,kl augaij harvest of .97b 'with lts i i" b$ 
iiin tons. 

educate people about imperialism and about the; 
internaHional". revolution against iiriperialism. This, wilV- 
be act 

j P^rop^g mda program- 
* an und,i 


its roh 

)mplished thfd igh a well^ievelQ^eif education andj 
inda program, The program will aim at developing 
j rstanding of^S imperialism, not phl^ln its most 
militaristic j ESpects (as m \Vietn5mV ,but alsoi; 
in distorting dnd in^>eding economic developme'n.t 

of the 
Of the 
rule of 

Africa I 
Of- ALL 

:io|us AND 

■■' 4. Since- Cuba 3 
Americas* | It is 
government.;, As ' 
destructIoh;of ' 
our] governthent's 

i concrete way possible, 

thrpugl out the Third tyorld. 

, the first liberated territory u> the., 
under ; constant r'attack by we> ; 1)S ' 
^Jorth Americas" dedicated tq. the " 
imp ;riallsm> it is our obligation to oppose, . 
policies, .in the most j effective/ and 

III, Support Of a North American Brigade 
to Cut Cane irilthe 1970 Sugar Harvest) 


re volution 
call for 
for the 
irles of 

A brigade of 
brigade) ii being 
cut cane for the 
be divided into 
November, ' the 
will siay in Cuba 
the i brigade will 
white working 

Americans (called, the ( Yencereinos 
organized to go down %6 '■ Cuba and 
.970 sugar harvest. The 'brigade will 
sections; one will ' leave in late, 
in . late January,' and each group 
for a two-month period. MenSbers o^ 
be recruited from \ activists 1 in the 
'in this country' : blacks, Latinos, 
s youth, students and dropout Gi's, 


' down 

i wi 

movi sment* 

. The 
to prlr : 
and, e • 

3,"T i gain 'a. pracqcal understanding of the creatiye 
. applies ion of commpisl' prihciplbs on _a day-to-day 
has in 

Hie New Left in the advanced capitalist countrieTg- 
the last decadje clearly defined itseh^ within the} 
traditit n ; of iorialfstpand communut struggle begun a 
centurjj ago.' The American mass media and educationaf 
have madelthV word cornmunism intb^anawema; 
this ekperlence will help us to develop ways of 
Combat ing'iantl^communism. ^ ,| 

IV. Broking the Cultural Blockade . 

\ V- . '* ' ' ! 

ers should be encouraged to collect badly needed 

technic \' and scientific books and journals to bt sent 


V. Supi ort. for" a^National Educational Program - 

iO, REP and-, flie KF.FP should be eneourigej 
educational .material jon the Cuban Tevolutioi 
Aplefs should be ■ encouraged -Jto" organize 
, oal propels' using these materials, " 

m: ny 

. . ; Jbulturat 
i pjodi cts, c^tr is firuU,' 
of pit) idfi\g a 
nils' hi Snt that 
ilcts, an i citrus 
i?cchan^( making 
Join to 

het uban Revolution 

,s in an anti -capitalist! ant,>ri ri[ 

oljowl \g 

suppcrtjhe Cuban 

ialist revolution t as bro lg it abbut 

The .Cuk an 

-disiribuibi ojf wealth and created an 

reating t|ie economic 
society. ' 

a*nong me vanguard 
m and .create a n 


} (slibmitie 1 • by [Terry Robbins,. Ohio; Steve Fitch, 
Michigan; i qwie ' Jmmer, '♦Kent; and Bernardine Dohm, 
Inter-Orgatjizatipiial Secretary) 

re gii/be; if' NWli America and 
can be called tije./ctiie's ol the 
a, Africa, and" Latin America 
rprai areas otthe world.',. Since, j 
the proletarian revolutionary.' 
for. various .reasons* -'bee|\ 
sldj bat*k in the North America i 
European capitalist cpiintriei, 
le*8 revolutionary movement ^ n 
Asia, Africa,! and | Latin .America has belli 
» growing' dgo^ usly.- In & sense, contemporary 
world' r ivolut onj also' presents a. picture' >f 
ehcircfiii lent of 7 cities, by the rural areas, 
:| -In ;the fh al i£u alysis, the whole cause of wor d 
v Wpj es on. the revolutionary struggh s 
' African, and Latin Americin 
make - up the overwhelms g 
the world's. : population. 

hird \yorld 
the entire, imperial 

The victory " 
for the oppi 

. History" 


the Victory pf people's Wai 

;ouitries, ir: further thje dustnivUnt "I 
prialist system (tseif. ';. 
of th'e.Vietnamciie people will be a victory- 
ipres ietl'peoples of the whole world. 

For almost 100 years, >-the pe^letdf-Viethair havt 
| b#en fifjhtinj for their , liberationV from foreign 
i domination. E irst the French, then the .Japanese, then 
| the!; .French 'a jain, ,and- finally the United States have 
attempted Xif lorni ate y(e^nam'B economy, exploil her- 
resource's ant (ens aye .tieVpeople.. J - 
But i thet ef pits of these super-powers to cbntrol 
Vietnam' in iti :'pa t nave all, ultimately failed. And the 
attempt by ti e U ited States, to maintain Vietnam as 
a colony pr ;urh it into, a- graveyard will fail asf Weill - 
It Will fail b :cau "e machines cannot defeat a people; 
and the thirst for profit by the imperialists will [never 
defeat the pec ale*; need for freedom. i 

The ^-strui gle . for- national liberation and 
self-deterniuii tion by ,'the' Vietnamese! people" occurs t 
today in the con ext bf worjd -monopoly capitalism. 
Driven by its neec td expand, capitalism must firid^new 
ma^kejtsSind l esp'i rces fofall parts of the Third World. 
ThusJcapitali ni, lias become — through the extension of 
its economy, .culture and military" throughout the 
nAo-sdeialist vorlp — an international system of world 
imperialism. . This system of world imperialis n has 
altered the cla ;s=st|ruggle arid the historical development 
crf-the. colonize I'nations, making the ( struggle for national* 
^ liberation -the primary class struggle in the world, 
j VletaanY is ■ in-."t 1& vanguard of that struggles = 
The people s v ar in *Vietnam . will surely win; 
moreover, it irMining' today" and will continue] to'win 
until the USf i; dri fen out and domination of the country 
Ms ended. Tnii is important not only because] of the - 
.specific liberation < f the Vietnamese people themielves, 
butfalso becauie tleir victory will -nuke it' possible— 
as ihelrstrdrale -1 as niade it possible— for movements 
of national tibarati m to emerge and intensify irl other 

The jpeophk ' of' Vibtnan^ first jwrested their 
independence fromjhe Chinese feudal, Invaders, in 939. 
They defended themselves against Chinese feudal lords 
for D cenojries--j-pnly to be invaded by Ijrench colonialism 
around. ^8.50. ' i * '{ | I- . I 

The French se'tj up. a colonial administration with i 
directs Frencli '.control over ! most part* of ;Vietnam.j 
;TJ» French stob^.the lanch* formerly worsted by peasant 
farolies and treated rubber! and I rice-' plantations In 
Which peasant? worked as tenant I farmers, { 
j. Open] armed! resistance , against the French continued: 
from, the late |i85u> until 1917. By that time, French!' 
.repression was so 'heavy! against any open political; 
itctivitv—^even aimed , at reform through the colonial 
administration- -that any^group which hoped to . have 
anti-French Iripact was| forced to ( gd underground. 
, In i 1930, Ho ; Chi Minh Organized tife Indochiiiese 
Communist Party. ICP cadres provided leadership in 
& series " of peasant rebellions in 193J which: were 
j-utallj} crushed by the French. Throughout the 1930*s, 
, tommuiists maintained strength and organization despite 
' severe Repression. ' 
i In 1^40 and- J941. the Japanese handed the French 
an ultimatum to give up to the Japanese economic and 
military hegemony over Indochina, The; -French fere 
forced io concede. ] ( ;.■ ' 

! In May, 194li Ho Chi' Minh met with the remnants 
of the central j:ommittee of the Indochinese Communist 
party, .and the , Vietnam Independence League was 
formed.| The vjeiminh, an ahti Colonial coalition led by 
communists, fought agalns^ the ^Japkhese; during World 
War' flj eyeing a possible futurj struggle witii the, 
French.! In August, 1945, Vietmlnh lorcejs marched into 
Hanoi, dedaritg a| Provisional Govejnnient xrf the 
Pem,ocratic\ R( public of Vietnam, as -the Japanese 
aurrendered tt ;'the| Allies. On' Septempef 2, 1945, . 
, ^lo . formally proclaimed Vietnamjs | independence. ! 
j IH the; r armistice n^gotuationsi ,the Frepbh recognized 
"the newly proclaimed Democratic Republic of V|etnam, 
and agreed fjo' provisions t for free^ elections in 
jsoutiiern-most Vietnam. But the! hopes of the Vietnamese 
people fbr freedom and Independence were short-lived. 
With 'the creation of a French puppet gfiveniment 'and 
the French naval bombardment of Haiphotfe onNovember 
23, 194b, It became clear flat the " French were* 
ietermined tO| \ colonize Vietnam hit over again* 

Thus began the *Ftrst Resistance Waft* waged from , 
1946-1954, that 1 involved increasing H$'^nJlHar> aid to 
the French (the t) was paying 80% of the cost' of^flje war 
in 1953)1 Nonemeless, the war ended in the complete 
'defeat of thp French -and the Vietnamese jrtctory at 
bien.-hieft>phu. t\ \ I 

p ■■.ided|fo- in" V*v (ifi.ev» agreement, *Igned in 
1954, the vle^minh left thje areas under control 
in the south, in expectation of elections which v to he 
held in 1956. Surely the whole, of Vietnam w fad ha?e 
been united inder Ue leadership of Hoj Chi Ml Ihad the 
elections been held. j % 

But they were not. Once pgain, i the Vietnam jpe were 
tricked — and their independence robbed, ihe 13 Ipuppet, 
Diem, terrified by the great success of sofc:|Usm:in 
North .-Viebunj, set up a fascist style dlctat rstdp In 
tiie south, refused to hold} elections, and effectively 
declared Vietnam two countriesij *j 

In 1960, after several years ofj spontaneous, v|otent 
uprisings by ti\e people of South Vietnam. | former J 
resistance fignters gathered together ^ and en ated the 
South Vietnam Liberation Front --^> wage the 1 war 
against imperialism^ to the end ; | 

11. The National Liberation' Front j 

The National Liberation Front of South Vi Lnam is 
a' coalition of all political, religio lis, and social forces 
committed to j fighting US lmperielist aggress|oo. The 
political aims] of the . NLF have Consistently jrevolved 
around five . main points : Indep sndence, del jtocracy, 
leutrality,- and peace for South Vietnam witii 
;owards Uie peaceful reunification of North apd 
/ietnanu ' ! 
Victory for | the Front, which i i sure to « me, will 
epresent the second histo'rlcal piase in rulfiltng die 
;oal for* which the' Vietnamese p sople have i fcruggied 
ind suffered' throughout this c sntury— a f -ee and' 
leacef ul Vietnam. Victory for the Ivietminh ag Linst the 
?renchj wldch resulted En the creation of an Ind [pendent 
ind socialist North Vietnam, w^s the firs 
/ictory for thejNLF Ini.the South will be th( 
■eunlfication of North and South wiil represent ... , 
ind final victory. After final victory they will Mnttnue 
o struggle in thi building of a strong homelai d and in 
ilding the causeior national liberation throagho[ut Asia, 
Vfricai and Latin America. 

II. The War in fhe Countryside ! 

a view 


he third 

From 1960 to 
. nd plains qf Splith 
aethods.and res 

In the beginnin ; 
j ene rally isolate i 
i taged uprisings 
local population, 
many to come: 
with the 'troops 
of the local-population 
so that die attac! ing 
more men than 
men at the finis! 
retreat* • ^ 
These earlier 

967, the war in the jungles, mountains, 

Vietnam has shown com 
dts of people's war. 
stages ' of armed 'struggle 
groups of forn^r Vietininh fflghters 
to get arms fori se^-defena i 
These attacks followed ja 
I olitical discussion! beforehand 
i iside the target area, enlisting 
-""i to carry off casualties 

force was always 100% i 

arms at the outset, more 
- sudden speedy night attack, 

cretely the 

of the 
support j 


* mori Khnoced - 
a Saijc m] commani 
When- r^tpfofcemd 
wquld surround thl 
By the tod irf 19«j 
not set t in to red 
li was the Wctorj 
market tile final c 
Asians were 
comma xiers catie 
War" n Vietnam 
p&oplei of the Thli 
tested as a im 
raVolut onarj guer 
^By 1>6S the NL 
territoi y and the > 
Vietnai u In the be 
by, the United : Stat 
of Viehani and U 
on a mi sslv© scale 
The process ■ 
strategsts! and ft 
units cf US troc 
protect on I again 
deterib: atihg US 
"(iisslv) defenstv 
The US tried 
offensh es jdk' 196ft 
of the c naitry^4id i 
Bach! o fefbtVel w 
units, s nd in both 
find ret ular units ■ 
had pa isef comp 


r in th 

■ The ret'offensl 
began i "n^w ph*! 
moyed rom the « 
and 4n eri< an baa 
stiratel tk victor 
poiitica ac nuices 
tln\, Pa: is 1 Eallts, 
the ipre tent politic 

NjLF fighars % 
11 of tie 'I' maid 
of thou! andi of th 
hid am nunitioh, 
theVatta ;ks were ] 
cofflplel a se irecyy 
>f ti^eletO fenslv 
of peopl s*s * ar 
jDuriT j T ?t, 
NLF cc mmi liquet 
Atmed Fones/ 1 
sCud'entii workers, 
Their\ t tiU kere i 
they.w.efeb4sed, 1 
in selz ng Scores 

206,0 0 soidf'-ris 
during Tel. Includ 
tanks, ifeldotn bcl 
ih whoii units 

V. Prefent 





qasesl in 4 

,ch file NL 

cbuntfyi Ide" jtoseti 
With the great 
creatior of *flxec 
can no r ffre n 
common icati in 
; be .seizod al nost 
the spidery- reb i 
around : he' c ties. 

The . fixal bar 
represb t ai 0r|p 
jungles and mow i 
US -Saigi ri O mini 
a' "safe rea. T 
area, w [th i tie L 
U J bast s an 3 Ini 
Althoi jh ti is >t 
intensel xooi Bgt 
mortars haV> > Infl 
that bfiret^pvei 
destroye I bn^ he'g: 
□ffeiS'Vf . 

Thi 'ear* t offi 
South V ietna n, c 
around he. c idea 
naturaV^ riyex s and 

Includ ng^ t le ei 
areas I am i ar». 
duccessfii 'campul 
Army's fixed has 
reached an ir cred 
for this phase o 

of ti 

VI. '^f ent qwti 

In the ci vntrhi 

. ThepokJUcal res 
for the t>LF, colla 

The lil'vl VfT^ta I 

"priuF tM ftz*L 
fcmwn ;h tin ' citi 


lgrd leant 

« tnorxj adVJincea variety, fil 
SaJ^wi) command post in 
When. r*,nfarc* mails would larri 1 
would i urraind the re info 
By the trid if 196$,' often 
not senlt In to retake a! pOsltio i 
It - < the Victory at Bin Gia 
marked trie final defeat of US 
Asians w^re used' asljcanrtort 
. comma dersi called the shots 
War* lh Vietnam jwas a si 
peoples of] the Third .World, 
tested as a method of 
revolut Miiry guerrilla vl.„. __. 
^ By 1! 65 the NLF claimed c 
terrltoi y i ni me allegiance of 
Vietnan , Id the beginning Of 
by the hilted State-a to; bomb 
of Vieb am, jand US ground ti 

T'a ma isl re scale 1 "Limited 
The prtcess since I 1965 
strategl its iai fighters 
units Jo ■ "S troops as jwell 
protect! in against alt 
deteitfoi atii ig US-Saigon 
■pissivi defensive; posture." 

the JS Med desperately 
offeVs'iv A 1965-66 and; 1961 
of the c< im'lry-s\de and-galn sl\ 
Each! ol fenbWe ! was aimed at 
n both years US 
■ units, fiy 1967r 
completely into 

unfits, a id 
find regula 
had ij&aifset 

IV. The 


f 19 15 

lean ihg 

fire wi 

ar in the? Cities 

, sir ce 

cointer-irisurjgency against, 
mQvemi ntt thrpug tiout the world, 
mtrol pf < ver 80% of the 
!/3pfthe »eople of South 
15 the dec) sion was. made 
he Democratic Republic 
enter d into the war 

pKrrilli s would attack 
r to pr : iv oh if a battlt. . 
w, NUF -egiuilal troops 
1 lecirnate them, 
nts simply were 
ici e the wounded, 
foiighk 1 1 this way* that' 
•Speclil Vax m ' ti in which 
fodder atd imperialist [ 
The fief at of 'Special I 
let >ry,for all the* 
special war washing ! 


offensive, ,-launchet 

began e new phase of the Vietnam 

moved ijronj the country-side's In .. 
and Air sri< an base^, in keepii g wit. 
strategy fdi victory in the Souti . IrnpbJ 
political adjrances were, made whicH set 
th* Paris 'alks, the present niMtaW 
the; present political situation 1 1\ .ViethamL 

NLF bghf^rs were atye to jenetrate 
11 'of th£ H major US airfields; with the a 

of thousands of the local ppjjju! 

ice. who I the fighters, 
hid ammunition, and carried i allied fo - days before 
theAatta' :ks were launchfecL Th! * suppjftt, carried on in 
cobiplet i secrecy, was* the dec! ve factor hthesuccess 
of. We 1 at Offensive and repres i ited ajgiojious example 
of peopl s*s war. I ' - 

jrhirin : Tit, an jirban arri < d foijce 
NLF co nmuhlques began to sp< ; k of the 
Atmed Forces" which; was'-jB- forcef of. 
student* , workers, and desertei ! from the 
Thei^ tt tits Jrett IdefitiflM bjfii l«fta which 
they we -e baped. They were ke; h gadding NLF; fighters 
in seizi ig scores .of thousand I cjf arms' snd Strategic 
points. ' , \ :. \\ |: : ; [ 

^00,0f D. sojdiers in to^" Saigon puppk-'a rmy deserted 
during ' 'et, jricluding one Imit which test rted in their 
tanks. Seldom before had! the buppet4oicea deserted 
In whol? units. lit! 

V. Pres 

one of NLF., 
defeat large 
and finding 
l pushing a 
into a 

^eb. of 196f 
The struggle 
around the cities 
overall NLF 
military and' 
the stage for. 
lituation, and 

: 40 towns and < 
d ot hundred!) 

was created, 
urban youth, 
puppet army. 

nt Military Situ? tl( 


In tre c< 

fur- the 
The last 
\ «)ri.'. 

P9 ltical results of Tel are 
i\lS; i »llapse(for the 
vsw:* of Hatam adnhds|lisB^ri|i 
p-'tificQiioii aroah* u 
U>t i Gitit's, i^h^ch 

Befpri Te): the US.-^aigon' Co r mand" c Histde^red the 
cities ti Bir/*safe rear* from w hi : i to |atta :k, Liberatitti 
Army\ bifie8 in the ' country! [de The ,NL ^ had a hard 
time app roacliing the cities, a n a i acks\we re hightraids . - 
in whici .the NLF jattafcker ; hid to-rmK^ it' back to/ 
countryside' bases undetected, 

With he great victo«6S if 1 1 i Te'^offertslve, ftef 
creation of 'fixed ba£e4* aioun! thej^lt es, the Nlf : - 
can. noi i fire rockets arid ]mi tar&^ir to - eirbases. 
commiin cation centers, -and oil lepojEip lupitiphs can 
be seize i. almost at will] and tiw .'NLR-e^ai i riee 'through 
the spid jry-yreb maze of tunneli I anijfbrench^.s In and- 
around tie cities. j !' y ■ | '1 

The' 'fixecj bases* ,bn the w jtsldjrts if'the [cities ' 
represer t an, organic link conn«i ting^tiie base^ in ' the 
jungles' ind mountains {With tiie irbaii' po >ulation.' The 
US ; ^gtn ! Command Van! no longtr consider the cities 
a 1 •safe rear** The .cities have I ecpme t^ie. frontline 
area; w th the Liberation A^my constantly pounding 
US base i ana Installations. . . « ,, 

v AIUjqu [h this year's cjtfenslve i as pSjt r larked by'ihe' 
intense\ roop fighting 61- last^ye ir^ KfLF rockets and., 
mortars have inflicted a 1 degree «* djaniai e .'similar to 
that oH Pet.; !Over* .2:000' heUcopt jre^aW' pla^s were 
destroye I on' the ground this yekr- -jus^ ip M'aJpt year's 
[offensive » A ; ' ' f 

I This ; ear?! ( offensive strucli at .'bsisi is throughout. 
South V etnam, cOT^ent^ating Qj.:the tai-ge airfields 
around t le c ties and the extent ve^chi ipldgical and 
naturaJX iver ► and rofdwkys)U^-* dgbricoi jmimicattons 
Systems, . \\ ' . ' ; ' *f . 

■ Includiig tie successful derferue pi nevly: Hberated 
areas tit '. mc around the. cites, aba th< cbntWiaUy 
successf il ca iuuOag^ x used tip ptect tit ; LTboratio 
Army's Ixed bases, | the lejre oi ( arrhed strpgg^§^ 
reached in in :redibly high Stage n the NLF's. 
.for this phase if the struggle^ 

>VI. 'resent PolitiraI iS ^tuati6n 


effusive jJositinn'v \ iryiiiK lh 
month be 

-cj»w«B! y>- r^^c^ 'what were 
■iipieaj ai-eas" ui ■ U^j",ci)j^tr|sldA. iinlv 
■ i-.if- AflprJ I'iet^ithe VSfS^\m|'Ctomman6 
to rebuild - 
li the areaj 

bad to miteWate Jts. 'efforts , >n tr^ 

river and rdad .communications and cleai 

aroand 'bases, as wei a* brying to Htake - prestige 
jlargets, ' []', \ ■ \ '],{ 

The destruction of .the';-, phcificaHoni program 
' represented f a major ipliticai. p^feat *pr ti» United 
States. As long ja"; ^iiiflcation existed,] the-: so-called 
[ ."political war* for titejhearts and minds of Ux> peasants, 
| the myth of \ Sai^pn ^bnt^ol and ^the mytii erf growing 
■ Saigon power could all r^'pe^tuauad., ; \ . 
j; Following Tet,| and- jto this diy, restoring. Saigon 
I political prepenci ! IhjuV.counlryBlde— much,less the 
I building and, cor solidating ' of power— is Out of the 
jquestlon. " Li"' 

\ In 'the cities^j 

1 WhateVel grip the SaigMa^sling|s': had over^ the cities j 
was destroyed during ||reU ; This wj ^ appa'reiit when ky, , 
and Thieu( clung to power by'go^ig along i^ththe US\ 
policy of 1 •d'estroyingj the .cJties'tJ .save' them** ; The 
urban population, it formerly untoiic led Jjy Uie" atrocities i 
in the counbiyside, how' know the fascist (erocity of ' 
i their homes bfelng bombed and their streets being birned 1 
to rubble.; j ' ! . ''.:.:■ !-..; .. /A l~ \ 
! With the destruction rfthe. Saigon puppets', pold on^the 
j cities! new Wban poetical! .groups'' ahdl forms have 
(evolved; The|NLr|. has, extended It^^ers^lxl' work " 
iwtth.studCTts'jand fselfpln^agenient'tomn^ 
j administrative basis for 1 the building of a hew' life in 
liberated zones ha^beeticreated m iprkiny^lass areas' 
in the cities; The; seif^'management comriiijtees take 
[care of dsy-(o-|da^ needs, like public health and food 
I distribution. Armed urban youth act as sett defense 
units, and the^NLFiholds Culfairal erentsjn these ai^as. 
NLF fighters jhave fjre| : access to those ne^borhoods^ 
if they need to make tan emergenc j escape^ Strategic . 
; parts of the j cities, Uien. | are effectively (liberated, 

A new force called the | Alliance of Natidnalj Peace, ; 
Land Democratic, forces, i based in j Saigon 1 land Hue, 
leirierged 1 after i(Tet..jThje' Alltancdl " • urban'' = 

; intellectuals,' former 'members of the Ky-Thi.(>p regime, -| 
land : petit4H)urReoisj e!ejhiifentsj The NLF -at^'the DRV- : 
Support the political program of 'the. ATiia&ej wMch" 
icalls for overthrbwlufitiie] liy-Traeu'regirrie.lsettiri^up \ 

1 ^^V^' ! I-' 


^' 1 eh Suu'-f 

Ktirifi goi't.'rainenl wnji 5w 
Li?uil iDdepcnJcnce.' \ 
The emergency »f the Alll*( 
v , the - ltical strength and the i 
rei resents tiirough the massive 
wp-hers, the '.overwhelming r 
VJi ihamese .people.. Nobody >rai 
siti It represents, the final- pt 
"'^Thieu -clitrue from- the broad 
»i 'strata. 

N'l.V, imd-ptSc^pa^pS 

<v ts ci?ar evidence 
mlltical threat the.NLf 
support of peasants arid, 
[ojprity of • oppressed 
ts to be on the losing 
jtlUfal isolation of tijep' 
masses of Vfetnafpes«. 

Ihe Paris I'pace lalks ard 

uSel-Ni-F Peace ^lan 

1b in. tight Of NLF pc-Htical mllltaryvhegemony of 
the soil of/Vtetnanfi that we musl view the Paris Talks. 
Let vis be Very :leaf: the Natianai, LiberMbri^Front 
is i ot negotiating from a position of' weakness; netware 
the: , by any, stretch of the inuginatior, "selling cut th& 
pep ile of Vietnam." Rather, the k rant c ernes pj'Paris 
. in; < position of. great^ strength, after eight years-ofAwar. 
. thai Has stopped the possibility^ W US military victory, 
■wpfi increasing ajlegiance frOm jthei; masses of people 
In N ietnam, Jand, wltiiin the liberated tohes,- allowed fo\ 
the creation- of th- • beginnings of,i new society mat bnly> 
bine slthe NLF and the people together. Further, 

the ^JLF knows belter khan artyone else Oiat the only! way 
tha iputh Vletr,amese 'can tru^y gilntoolr Independence- 
is tpt a.rough^.taMiigijbut; .Oiroigh the struggle, tha\ 
mak's it nillltari y and pol(tlcai)> Impossible for- the' 
Unit mP- States to Continue Its gcnocldal 'pr*sence in 

Viet aip^pius, evin vhlle n^gotiaflng In Paris, the 'NLF, 
has intensified th : fighting' in thi Soutfi— juid redpeed 
l.S^: trategy'to.Eui almost oxcIusWely defensive Homing 
opei itlon. While , the. talks go- on in. Paris— ^ft shotdd be - 
clea :to eyejyope birt the, blind — ihe Frpnt unceasmgly . 
cont n\ies the people's wdr In SouthjVletnam. ! t\ *l* 

Tfe| Paris' Talkgythen^ must be! viewed as bna-^ore 
frpri froni which to' carry oh the Wtttle for VletrianiesjB 
free- dm. And, in this context, 1 ] the NrVF has Awon 
signiricant victories "in Paris. First, it has esteVfiSpWJ 1 
\itsel as an indeptiident and representative spoke&nan- 
■ for 1 w peo^le^Sputh Vleoiam. Second, there has'he^n'-^ 
coirg Ifeta urJty.witiiin. ifik NLF -DRV ranks, ah iir^o^tapt. 

d,^ll£o^; , s.havin|^tn , 
with the fl.lP, 
"on following p|Lgc) 

sht>v« bf power and Fropagarida 
bltte distrust between tho US and J 
sole existence depends on l-Sfcid,-i 
convince Thieu lo] "negotiate 'ipri-j 

14 ' Jtine. lfl f 1 


whili; the Fn: 

of Including 


platform, froip 
. position-, and 
r arojiind the: 

The NLF pejace 

ten [-points., 

position on 
. for a fair peacb. 

, ^unilateral 

allies. "■■ r 

New Left Notes 


previous pagej 

:es it ch?ar~they haye tio^lntenttoi 
puppets In their plan for j a coalition 
"third, the NLF has had' an iriternatioiaj 
i which Jo" win airport, plarify their 
urther weaken supporndr : US aggression 
wojrld. ' "~- 

i plan for the, Paris Talks consists; of . 
uo , ten-point program outlines theNLF , 
Vietnam's future; and provide^ the basis 
— ^ The main principles of the plan include: 




of the 

jthe peasants 
fpreservin ; 
not e! 

:jof . : 

V the 

•wittidrawal of. all US" troops and - their 

-instruction of all US military bases arid removal 
of c 11 US Avar itiatenal s from South Vietnam*, 

beliefs and "their past may be, provided thai 
itaijd ' for .peace,' independence' and] neutrality." 
the ! NLF 10 -point, peace iplanl reflects' the 
a^rris of 'the new democratic revolution. 

the economic aims of the new democratic | 
? Map -says, ■Economically, ii| aims at the- 
nationalization of all; the big enterprise V and capital 
tm jerialists, traitors, and the distil >ution a mohg 
of ||the land held by the landlords, while 
private capitalist enterprise In general and 
limhatingJlhe peasant economy. Thus] the new type 
('revolution- clears the way ^capitalism 
hand and [creates the 'prerequisite for 
on the ' other. v The NLF poli^l 'program 
the Extraordinary Congress of.! 96T Includes 

it Into state 


the stipule tions|i 

— fo, c( nfiscate 'the property of the USl 
and '-'their die-hard cruel agents and turn 

ing of the question of Vietnamese armed 

for> es within Vietnam by the people themselves, 

-lithe crea^on of ja proyisionAl- coalifion government 
all! political forces committed to peace, 
and: neutrality.' 

democratic . elections throughout SoutfT 

i^to s 

— the 
trade ■ to 
handicraft i. 

telp d 

to Wsjst'oL 
ind< -pendence, 

—free and 

k Yoreign 

— feunfficE 

policy of peace^and neutrality. 

the .stipulation, I 
laboring pjople. 

The new demo : 
.also induces thd 

•feunfficat On- bjTVVietnam through peaceful means. 

V1IL The' NewiDemocratic'Stage ' } 

Comrade vtab Tse-tung (has pointed out that 
iin the ej och since the October 1 Revolution, 
'anti-impeiialist revolution in spy colonial or 
^ semi-CDloi ial country is no longer ."part of the 
old bourgi ois* |dr; capitalist world revolution, 
but is pa;t of ^ the nejw jwoxld revplution,' the 
proletariat world revolution. . 'y. 

*M; 1 '!;-. Lin Pao 

The struggle fori selr-de|erminaHon and liberation of 
the Vietnamese iebple 'from US ; imperialism will 
"inevitably culninara in a united, soriallrf Vietnam: 
The I character of the Vietnamese revolution .in the 
pre lent" stage, however, is based entirely oh the fact 
.that the most immediate -enemy facing the!people is 
imperialism aitd foreign domination, and the absolute 
nee-i to unite all progressive elements within Vietnam * 
in crder to defeat iihperlai sm, 

'. The culmimtion! 'of , this revolutionary stage in 
Vietnam's hislory will bp -the establishment of a 
■ ^national de'mo" ra\ici union*. Including all revolutionary , 
passes. -Unliti e. jthe "old : bourgeois revolutions," 
jhpwpver, whic i culminated "' in .iHe rule of local 
'capitalists, the Viitnamesfe revolutionary victory will 
be' a' major step -toward the: building of socialism in . 
Vietnam, ' ] 

Tjiis ,is due in >' part, to the fac) that world-wide 
'rnon'opcly capit libm is no longer a possible, road for j 
" ii^ustrializatior or ! progress in,.any Third Wgrld ■ 
country. Insteai, it prevents* the" development of an 
authentic '"local bourgeoisie and enfo*ce|'a backward 
'and jcolonial'sta us on Third "World nations, No capitalist 
tountry in the Third. W'-rid. cara'avoid being penetrated 
andfj controlled,! and eventually red-iced to complete 
colonial status,! by.. monopoly^ capital. Imperialism and 
capitalism are' thus inherently tied together, as is the 
struggle for. national self-deternjinatior. depcndert upon 
the | victory or- socialism* In thji epoch of world 
imperialism, national self-determination - is possibles 
only'toith socialism. Thus, national liberation movements 
mjst lead to sofcialism far any degree of] sJccess. 

Inj order to'maiAtain Hs domination of "hird World 
countries, iniperia ism has made ah alliance with the 
m hi reactionary elements Within its cololnles — the 
Jandlords, 'the mi itary, and certain sections of the 
bour^msie ?|mqsr deperident upon , imperialism for 
survival. This aluince is based on the preservation f 
feyo iism, fascism, -and colonialism, 

l4 order tridelteal imperialisjn, then, the maises must 
: ; be i lbbiUiedj. td fi $A imperialism i the" peasantrv , ttie 
worlers, and thfc ration as a *hole This requires &e 
yorir atiojvpf a liberation front, with its goal ihe 
^defe i of -imperiSi m and the es^bUshmentJof the *new 
, "dpm^cra^cv stage.* Ciairmari NlatTtse-tun^'calls this 
a "rcw d/mocrati«f 'revolation.% Mao s'ay§, pThe new 
demi crane revolution is part of tjie world proletarian 
soci list,; revolution f jr it resolutely opposes 
Impt rfeltstr, j ^ 'international capitalism." 
^ W)at are the political aims of the new democratic 

IHBrevo'^tion?- to&p sajs, * Politically, it strives for the 
" ^^joint dictatorship of the "revolutionary tasses oyer the 
imperiali- ^, trii 1 r dnd reactionaries, and opposes 
the ransformallbn <x'. Chjne^e society into a society 
^hde ■ t?o' .'ere- U aictatwsntp.* In section 5 'of the 
10-p lirt yeace plan,, wfter speaking' of -.the' creation of 
a pn iri ia\ cwlition goverrtment preceding trie nolding 
. df general electors, the hJLF states, "The! political, 
icrcfejfi. -represeAting' the various social strata^ and 
I political 1 terjdeniies in South Viejiar-. tnat stand -dr 
'peace; 1 ! iridependferice, *id Sejtraiify* . . Ore" oi the 
tasks bf the provisional- coalition govemmprt wll be 
?tb achieve rmtibndl concord, and a broad unijn of alt 
social "strata, poji ical forces', - nationalities, retigious 

State bank. 

ill encourage capitalist industry and 
velop^ industry, small industries- and 

land Ipolicy, to carry out th i slogan 

, -to enait the 

"land to he til erif 

}ii additioi t theA D-poiijt peaie plan specifically ncludes] 
~ ' 'tmprpve the living condition ; .of the 

J T 4] 1 ■ 

ratic revolution as expressed by Mao 
notion of, building up a strong latlonai 
democratic) culture far replace the depravld cy ture of 
the imperi dists and feudal landlords. The ipLFii AUtical 
program ir eludes; the stipulations :| | ]; j 

uven a toehold in their country; It is tlea t L i vie' «n 
the desire of the Vietnamese for teuhlflcation vAth the 
North; and finally it Is ciear because of the leadership 
of the' People's Revolutionary Par.y, which has been 
cs>v v ntial - for tiie victory of the Vietnamese! people. 

Vietnam is tiie Dienilen-phu of U' imperialism. 
Just as; Dien-bien^ihu represented the tun toward 
victory In the *ftrst resistance" war against the French, 
Vietnam represents the' turn toward victor;' of the 
oppressed people of the world against imperialism. 

Understanding' that the key class contrad: ctlon in 
capltaUstn today is between US Imperialism and the 
oppressed nations within and \oitside the^ JS, and 
understanding that the struggle of jthe Vletnames a people 
represents the . vanguard struggle" 
'proletariat, we must aid the NLF 
home to the mother country'. 

We must consistently assert (iur ^support jbr,the 
struggle of the people or Vietnam,- for' th^ Optional 
Liberation Front, and for the Teh Poirit Program for 
Peace presented in Paris.; '■[' 

We must bidld increasingly sharp struggles, 
because; that Is the only way wefcan^builda t_„.__ ., 
movement at home, but' because it is the most ■oocrete 
way we <ian aid the NLF. 

We must consciously invoke anti-ImpeijEali^t 1 and 
communist consciousness in < all our work aid through 
all our demands and struggles, alongside the \ ie ^amese 
LibGr»t ! -:i Army, and make concrete' our in ei national 
duty. j 

of the Intel national 
bringing tiie war 

IX. Implementation > 

1, All chapters should intensify 
against ROTC, military research, 
the military on campus, as a cone 
Vietnamese struggle. 


■J-tO' t'S it against the American-type enslnvng and, 
ieriraVetl' < iilture^ and education now adversely a rfecting 
Aur peopl f's hi e, long-standing cultural tra iitions. 

to build a national democratic cfdtufe edlication. 

' . i i 1*1 1 ' 

—to deyelop i iclence and technology l| the service, 
of national const 'uctior\ and defense. , t | 

f- — to educate the' pdople in Vietnam'sl tradition of 
struggle against poreig^ invasion and [its h&ofe history. 

J. — to preserve ^and develop the fine customs and good : 
ijabits of our nation. [ 1 . 

| The NLF, led] by the proletariat, has men enacting 
the notion of the neyr aemw ratic re volwon In the 
liberated ime for eight years. The national de^-r^flc 
uWon will! be led bV -the proletariat ^Pkr the us 
Withdrawal and >riU proceed throujrh the |tage of New 
liemocracyj tO ( socialism. This is vlear ^ view of the 
.fact that | in ' struggling against! impertalism, ii^d, 
inte.rnationai capitalism, the \ V!f=tKameso people have 
understood [that fhey mLsi not give, monopoly capitalism 1 

ind other as 
way ofai 

s niggles 
ilects of. 
ling the 

2. The solidarity of SDS with the Vietnamese people, 
and people's movements throughout 1 he world, at well as 
he demand for immediate, uncc4x3lticKialIwitndrawaV of 
a(l US troops from Vietnam, should be jraise^*in any 
national or regional demonstrations planned jfpr ti\e 
future. ( • f . 

3. SDS should: conduct r an inteisive |cair 
education and' action next 'December to\commei 
the ninth anniversary of the fcjunding^of tii* 

4. Utetature suitable for mass d-istribtrtiorJ 
be published by the National Office ^— such as ex> 
from Burcjiett's books, the LO Point Peace Pl^ 
The general lino of this literature tu&t be : 
witii the Ivietnamese people ( cqmp ete vi :tory I 
Ni F! ■ j 

.5. 'This; resolution -ishould be 
National Office as -a ( basic- history 
the great struggle t of the Vietjtam^se 

6. SDS must implement the but ding of a revolt! ionary 
youth movement as the only long-range straf^gyp isii^ie 
for SDS in the international strugf le against imper alisra. 

■eproduced by the 
and STB pos tion on 


New Left \ojcs June-tS, 1969 , " 15. 


''he ii'unction of the later ial organ or 
; pOl Ucal organizatim Should be to 
: epurtj to the member t the activities of 
i heir comrades In various areas, and 
i u promote discusslor wh Ich can flow 
; rom {he [experiences < f Uk se activities 
i nH in j which all m< mbers can 
participate. This j enables . the 
< irganlkatlori to chodpe Its political 
( irectijon in a i emocratic and 
elf icdnscious marine^ throng selection 
i mongi various theorea cal and strategic 
i iterjnatives which ai| fully presented 
Hi toe; membership tiV-ough the paper. 
; uchj a! paper '<jan also serve a valuable 
i unction as a vehic, e for internal 
t ducation insofar as it offers materials 
i nd j s^udy guides w! rich enable the 
i lembers to undertake heir own critical 
; tud^ pt historical anctf political theory, 
I artieidarly revolutionary \ Marxism, 
I ut hot If it attempts to present large 
(jhunft^ of this theory "in a packaged, 
sted form. It is on the basis 
iese principles that the internal 
*per of SDS should be organized, 
iiirpose of this resolution is to note 
problems and 'shortcomings of 
Left Notes at present and . to 
e specific measures to make NLN 
more democratic and more useful 
fbrc.i -in the life of SDS. 

PROfatEMS j 

(\) Politically, the Lost disturbinR 
frerid has developed th the discussion 
c f rr(ajor, especialli- international, 
c uestiotis. Instead of [substantive axv 
opert debate on such issues (for example 
£ te i character of thi leadership of 
tl e ; yiebf&mese, Cuban, and Chinese 
-Sy6l^«n\we find increasingly both 
_ root j ahd> indirect Wfforts; by the 
h aaership In the National Office to 
r ^present certain I positions 

ithoritative and beyond challenge. 
V\ ith rfespect to Vietna n, for example, 
the targe majority 'of recent articles 
bieen written by i rational officers 
o tajte the position! |that (1) every 
pi litical position and ti ctical maneuver 
the! National Liberation Front is 
clfearlyj correct, becaise the-NLF is 
tlie leader of the 
st ruggle in * , South 
(! )■ critical political 

by PLer . who attack' i he ' 
negotiati ig: with" ' rW 
ImpenaJiStk over the l bjectioris of thb 
leaders of 1 he Chinese C ommunlbt Partyj.! 
Is the wort of "count ;r-reyolutionary ^ 
to the working - class 
Short art! cles presenting 
opposition viewpoints l ave been printed ; 
as letters, so that a de icriptipn of NLN 
as a "nwnolithic" fa'cti inai organ! would 
be unjustifed at this point; but these 
have appea -ed only after pressure wafe 
the N.o. $taff by charges 
that NLN fras not pitting opposition, 

NLF for 

lerig hy 

Vietnam, and ; 
analysis -of, the 
-.F (In particular by, revolutionary 

sc cialists who point out 

ai ti democratic mode 

aid its j contradictory and noh -.socialist 

of orgamzatioi 

(B) A reiaed issue is the reportage' 
of Internal life in SDS, which has been 
disturbingly, one-sided: at certain key: 
points. The {outstanding! example of til's 
development was the coverage of the 
split in Anp Arbor SDS, in which the 
position of one side was 1 fully presented 
in NLN, while the article written by - 
the opposition "Radical Caucus" was 
never printed at all. The reason given 
for not printing this article before the 
December NC which decided which 
faction to recognize as the official 
chapter was that the article .'was too 
long to be printed, while after the NC 
the Radical t Caucus position had of 
course been defeated, and so the issue 
was dead. Comment' on this argument 
will be deferred to the next paragraph. 

(C) Considerable space is devoted to' 
lengthy j and \ strategically chosen 
quotation^ from personalities in the 
international revolutionary movement, 
most often Mao Tse-tung and Che 
Guevara, i In the, issue i prec »dtng the 
December NC, for example, ; pace was 
given to j articles by Mao, Che, ahii 
Jidius Lester, It was sufficiently bad/ 
that the selections from the writings of 
these revolutionary authority figure's 
were evidently chosen , to boL"ter tht 
position pf the N.O. in Issms 
debated at the NC; what :make s it much 
wbrse is that the delation of /these 
articles ^Would: have created riotfe than 
enough space for the AnnjArbcr/fiadical 
Caucus document which Was suppressed 
on the basts of insufficient space in 
NLN. This illustrates at'the' rerV least 
an unhealthy conception] ttf prioritlei 
in selecting material. ToTgivs a morf 
recent example, the N.O. position of 

^uncritical j'gloriflcation/of - V: ebiamese 
leadership' has been pushed b v printing 
an interview with a North V etnaroese 
Minister of Education^ in ^hicl i wp learn" 
tb'at the party "ensures, ;dt mujeracy* 
through! ca.r.ving />•-•' vu K>4 ripal 
task," which "IS td reg-na'Je tue itjations ■ 

uet^veeti man and nian in 
the} college,* and by a 
•fr>»m- the NLF clalrning 
in scores of military pperatii 

. everyone, .'else in SDS, w< 
.. .' delighted sif we could be 
V claims of .massive military 
be completely true. It. mu; 

'■ frankly, howeyer, that 
factional 'reasons for want 
to. beUeyeVthese claims in 
is convinced to believe 1 
millta/y self-Image 
rjLF, becomes easi 
this . credence to the NLI 
VsUf-in.-ige' as well, which 7 I 

. What would make It pc^ss: 
t$ adopt officially the bosi 
criticism of the NLF/is b 


'«-'"■ U^l I( 
would, be > 
leve thftse | 
sucCes> to 
t .be stated 
there art 
ng ApSers J 
W. If one 
tjiy in the , * 
d by the 
to extend 
for SDS 
th^t any 
: eactioo^ry 

sib e 
iti in 

National Convention esta ilish, 'and 
explicitly mandate the edi prial staff 
to- Scarry out; the follow ng 
regarding- /the operation of 

'(A) On nSaJor political issjues where 
disagreements exist In SDrf, systematic 

[and open Internal^discussic i of these 
issues; should be actively or) anized and 
carried out In NLN. This w iuld mean, 
i or example, that on 
international .question (such 
constitution of the Chinese 
Party, the meaning of Fidi 1 

the new 

support" . for the Russian iivasion of 

Czechoslovakia) there would tk? a period 
of several weeks when spaci would be 
reserved to each issue for a tides and 
debate that would be active! • solicited 
from SDS. 1 These discussion: should be 
announced in advance so th it serious 
factual and political argume its can be 

prepared by all tendencies, 
be in addition to the usu 
discussions of revolutionary 
pf practical strategic persp -ctive (or 
tDS, these beiig discussii ns which 
cannot generalljl be forma ized and 
■ carefully ; structured. Obvic isly, the 
extent to which this idea can 
out at any given time will 
a number of, factors, espc 

~his would 
iieory and 

lepend on 
ially the. 

, amount of space peeded to co -er in full 
tile activities and! struggles c irried on 
by .SDS chapters, '.the reportin; : of which 
is obviously/the most importer t function 
of NLN. I 

I (B): The views of the nationa officer's 
should be. stated regularly, In a clvar'y 
delineated and Unnited space. This will 
' : cnabfe the; membership »o upder<='--nd 

that the 


what! those views' are and crystalline j. 
d ; - Mission* As, part • of ' this . >% 
re'oi'ijaiiization, there should ; bd. anserid.,. 
■ to the presehtatidn of excerpts' fro*;;> 
-the writings jof revolutionary! figures/; • ' 
in a manner ■ that is' . superficially.' . : 
"educatiorial* .but in" fact designed -tib^\ i' 
artificially support one or lanothcjc. ; ! 
factional viewpoint (this Is \ not' to '% 
suggest that the study of rcYn'ji'Nmary { 
theory should be ignored; in fact It wouiil | 
be an excellent idea to present a leries * j- 
of articles designed tofamili^rizethe, . I. 
readers of NLN with the ^generaV >f 
literature -o|f. all •yariettes of * I 
revolutionary socialist 'thought! and to 
help them develop] serious; " study 1 
programs for- themselves). "j 

(C) Political; developments | within * . ' 
chapters should be fully reported. It ht* | 
been the case that • chapters halve been 
very backward in reporting jtheir ■; 
activities and direction of development.^ j 
. It is ; also true that, as in the Arm Arbor? . ' 
'^sjpliti such . develobnients" are - not « 
. pr6perly presented. It shbuld-be. seen 
<is a responsibility both (or: political ' 
'tendencies in chapters to formulate* i 
.positions and submit them for v 
publication, and of the national staff • 
to print these position's In NLN, ■ 

,i ' ■ 

.j CO). In short, NLN must be, made an *; 
;open publication. Its purpose Is' to 
! present to the membership of,* SDS. the" 1 
(views of all political tendencies ' in - 
'the Organization,' particularly those 
organizing at the rank -and -file 'Chapter' 
level. This .purpose cannot be*,' 
accomplished ,1 through a S verbal"' • 
, commitment ti it, nor simply by the . 
' formal passagi of a resolution ! such as' 
this one. No .^resolution can' possibly ■' < 
solve in a meaningful way=*the problem y 
of which tendencies are "sigjilficaj-;* *: 
ones; at a given time, or in what ' 
proportions space in. NLN shpuid b.-* 
allotted to vajious kinds or articles. 
The establishment of a newspaper'which. • 
actually serv,esjlhe needs of SDS.^edple,! 
which both presents the vierts and- 
programs of majority tendencies a£d "at » 
the same time enables minorities to;t - 
offer their positions' and attempt to win ' 
majority support fon themselves; ' 
possible only i the internal lift of. SDS '. 
itseli is vigorous and democratic 1 and 
if the editorjal staff of NLN. /is ■ 
corsciously demoted <to the publication > 
.of such a newsp iper. ; 

(T.'^v above resolution has' been, 
sulmitted to the National Convetrtion.b^ , 
the H evolutionary Socialist Caucus oP 
1 ,:ivef«ity of Chicago SDS) .' 


I nterna! 





!Th# ifouowing resolution ha|i ( bee v h submitted to thp' National Corivei tioh . 
the Lmversity of f ittsburgh ''chapter of SDS.) ; j 

iVe j axe opposed to i he princlp)^; of/ a leader^hifj 6^ying to ■radicaliz? then - 
ce isclo4Sness # of a rar ^-and-flle ,'tnenibersh i ip from the top down. We feeti that 
th i election of officers! jtn SDS mX become an ahnuai^jscramble of cekairi 
TrjupingV to impose, tiieir qwn&Jarttcular theories i '-Md strategies i on] the 
organization as a wholfej to "rana^aUze'*; our Consciousness for iis (from :'the/ 
particular viewpoint ofj^hose asgHng; tb ieaderrship)i The major contendirui 
gr Duplngs in the organization at present seem to have no qualms about this! 
-Itist practice. Their m^ta concern seems to be to make ttieir own Ideoiofical . 
' wpoint that which represents^th,e organization as? a whole. We call c i.all 
umbers who; are disgusted with this practice to '■ reject all factions and \ 
si oupings seeking to peVpetuate it. 

We also feel that the chaos and confusion, of national c.onventions and National 
C( uncil hieetings have xdme to : be detrimental to the meaningful participation 
xf the "membership of SDS in organisational decision-making. The programjand 
sttements flowing from such, gatherings are hot representative, of ihrg*;. 
e jments; of the member ihip, and- are accOrd ngly irreievant to and ignoi*>d by 
th f same. 

Fioposar One ' > \ 

Election of national off .cers sho'iild be lifeld 
cussiqn of relevant qu istioqs'has been 



.' ct'onsj shall be established by .the- 
Or uncil meeting of each ; year. "This proposajl 
- thin the ! first National OtlmcU r|>eeting.oM 
. Ccnvention of 1970 shall j bd 'instructed to 
' or rani7ation's constituti in, making wha^t 
nc -essaiy on the basis pf thii ; practical 
«-.V lioifal | Coiivcntion of 970 shall be ' ' 
m- moership by, national referehdum. 

by national referendurtl after full'. 

ried on by the candidates injNew 

Ldft Noojsj for at least four consecutive issu< s. Committees to supervise such ,. 

National Council at the first National 
shall become effective' ni ater 
). Delegates to the SDS National 
I icorporate this proposal int i the 
itevsr modifications are deemed 
1 . c xperience; The decision ' of the 
subjejet to ratiflcatiortrbf the entire' 

19 '0, 

Pr iposal| Two , , 

. ^ny St»S regional stri jture should be 
to ensuri .'democracy and Wty %itWh the 
th; t ourlgoal here is not jdecentralization 
srnuld bel established on the basis of gee 
' re [ion should have a mini' num of. one full -t mt 
wi ,b;n the region (to be ap^roy^ by and pi 
comcil, (composed pf one ^ry.seirtative e 
region, would' help supeijvise regional, p - • 


espbllshed throughout : the co 
t animation. O^e wish to emph|si7e 
I ut.democracy.^md unity.) jte; 
gedgr^phical area; and population, 
staff worker to service .chai 

by thdse chapters), j A 
ected from "each chapl 

pj t id 

>l iters ■ 

' regi 
workabl c 


The' regional n 

1. Make national 
. used)' decision -making 

paricipalion' In national 
workers and council 
discussion and voting 

2. Create, a more 
paying their regional 
national oudget. The 
and fund raising. 

3. Establish a 
program. Such a program 
throughout the organizati 
society, (b) history of 
theories of social cha 

4. Facilitate greater 
. '"National conventions, 
' New ,Left Notes are 
• reports on regional; 

in' 'New Left Notes. j 
from the taskfs of el 
. manuevering— could be 
(and establishing truly 
and open atmosphere, . 
The National Council 
i a program for the con 
! by the National Council 
■ to carry out this program 
Convention oif 1970 
organization's com. 
nocessary oh the bdsis 
Convention of 197Q ; 'shall 
,by natlbfjal referendum 

f election ; 

quid 'serve ... do the fpl owing: j! 
lums a moi-e prattical (and thus more frequently- 
l ->o|, ensuring greater democracy "and membership ' 
lecision- making than exists a' present. Regional staff' 
m ;mbers wouki be responsib e for seeing U>at . full 

financial. base. Regions should -be responsible for 
workers" and for providing for a perce>itagb' of the 
inal structure would greatly facilitate dues collection ; 

framework for a serioiA 'membership' education' . 
should ensure a standard minimum level of'knqwledge 
< n* of (a) analyses of basic' problems facing American • 
r lovemcnts for social change; 'and (c) varlou? major V 
g'. , ! - ■ \ • j f 

i iter-organizational communication and' fnter^action^ 
Na ional Council meetings^, and' (iri its present toifri) . 
si nply ■ inadequate for .this,-Regular, detailed 
should be sent to*the' National Office and reprinted 
conferences and interregional conferences— free ■' 
and decision-maK'irig and from the chaos .of factional '< 
Kjsitive tool for. communicatinf if*""' • 

activ ty 
Regie ial 

.. ideas and experiences j 
c( mradely relationships) in' a r jlatively uD-n'ressured 

shjjuld be instructed to establish i committee to develop. . 
implementation' of this^ prt posal, to be vo^d'uppn/; 
no later than December, 
mmediatcl.v 'hereafter. JVlegjjti 
W in s.1 rue led to incorporate 
nuking i*h'atevor mixjif r. 

)f practicalf experience, 
be subjccC to : .T;itin- 

Steps should *be taken 
les! to\ne'?*'?S.tjational.'- 
i'»at :j*^giimJntC} the" . 
ration's ]"ar'e adeemed 1 
it« \ eeisioh'-ohthe ^JatiGna! 


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